14 Aprl 1820 Joseph Frey founds American Society for Meliorating the Condition of the Jews #otdimjh

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The figure of Joseph Samuel Christian Frederick Frey looms large over the 19th century Jewish Missions movement, the beginnings of Hebrew Christianity, and modern Messianic Judaism.

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Not one to hold back from self-promotion, he told his story in many versions in his autobiographical narrative.

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A charismatic preacher, an able organizer and fund-raiser, and a theological mind of singular vision, clarity and exposition, he arrived in America after leaving the UK and the London Society for the Promotion of Christianity Among the Jews (CMJ) to set up a similar society in the USA.

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Frey had previously helped to found the London Society in 1809, and the Beni Abraham, a congregation of Jewish believers in Yeshua, in 1813 in the UK.

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But for reasons not fully known, and probably because of a scandal, he left the UK and arrived in the USA around 1816.

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The ASMCJ was not as successful as its UK counterpart, only lasting a few years, as other denominational Jewish missions became more the focus for American millenarian and evangelistic concerns. Frey’s own charisma and personality waned. But American Jewish historian Jonathan Sarna credits Frey not with the success he hoped for in evangelism or forming Hebrew Christian brotherhoods, colonies in Palestine or congregations, but in challenging the USA Jewish communities to develop their own institutions, education and resources to counteract any effect the missionaries might have.

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Do read Sarna’s article here

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or Frey’s story here.

Screen Shot 2015-04-13 at 15.36.44 Prayer: Lord, you alone know our characters, thoughts and motives. You understand better than we do the historical processes that led to the formation of Jewish missions in the 19th century, and the confluence of circumstance, contexts and characters that brought Jewish believers in Jesus such as Frey into popular Christian and Jewish discourse and imagination. Today Messianic Jews face similar problems of integrity, authenticity and communicability of the Good News of Yeshua as we stand between two communities of faith who often misunderstand, distrust and dislike each other. Have mercy, O Lord, have mercy, and strengthen Thou the work of our hands. In Yeshua’s name we pray. Amen.

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http://muse.jhu.edu/login?auth=0&type=summary&url=/journals/journal_of_the_early_republic/v034/34.4.linsley.html

http://www.brandeis.edu/hornstein/sarna/christianjewishrelations/Archive/TheImpactofNineteenthCenturyChristianMissionariesonAmericanJews.pdf

http://www.jewish-history.com/occident/volume1/april1843/meliorate.html

Joseph Samuel Christian Frederick Frey (born Joseph Levi) (1771–1850) was a missionary to Jews. In 1809 he founded the London Society for promoting Christianity amongst the Jews after disagreements with the London Missionary Society.[1]

The Hebrew Christian Prayer Union consisted mostly of women who were Jews who had converted to Christianity and who met for prayer. The organization was under the sponsorship of Rev. Philip Milledoler of the Reformed Dutch Church. Their efforts led to the formation in December 1816 of the first American Christian mission to Jews, which was incorporated on April 14, 1820 as the American Society for Meliorating the Condition of the Jews. There were, however, few Jews in the US at the time, and the organization was run by Christian leaders of a variety of denominations. A number of scandals weakened the organization, and it ceased to exist in 1867.[2]

 

 

Saving the Jews: Religious Toleration and the American Society for Meliorating the Condition of the Jews

Susanna Linsley

From: Journal of the Early Republic
Volume 34, Number 4, Winter 2014
pp. 625-651 | 10.1353/jer.2014.0075

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

In February of 1820, a cohort of clergymen and lay leaders gathered in New York City to launch a new, multidenominational, nationwide missionary project called ‘‘The American Society for Meliorating the Condition of the Jews.’’ The Society was spearheaded by Joseph Samuel Christian Frederick Frey, a former rabbinical student who had converted to Christianity as a young man in his native Germany. Before immigrating to the United States, Frey had spent some time as a missionary in England where he helped to found the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews. As the group’s popularity grew among the Lutheran and Reformed communities who had built the organization, Anglican members wrested control of the leadership and expelled nonconformists. Rejected from his life’s work, Frey traveled to the United States to start again.

In New York, Frey became involved with the city’s Presbyterian community and began preaching in a city church. Once settled in the community and with the urging of friends and local clergymen, he revisited his pet project to evangelize Jews. Frey’s idea to build an organization to preach to Jews appealed to his American Presbyterian colleagues and quickly attracted interest from members of other Protestant denominations, including a number of influential political and religious leaders such as John Quincy Adams, Peter Jay, and the presidents of Yale, Princeton, and Rutgers: Jeremiah Day, Ashbel Green, and Philip Milledoler.

Members of the American Society for Meliorating the Condition of the Jews believed that they were in a unique position to usher in a new era of cooperation between Christians and Jews. While Europe was still riddled with dogmatism, participants in the society mused that Americans ‘‘heartily rejoice[d] in every triumph of real liberality,’’ and were truly ‘‘open-minded’’ and ‘‘free from prejudice.’’ They viewed their enthusiasm as evidence that ‘‘bigotry had no power, and even toleration [was] not an appropriate term’’ to describe the environment of religious freedom in the United States. To realize its vision, the Society partnered with a German nobleman, Count Adelbert Von der Reke, who promised to recruit converts for the colony from among the thousands of European Jews he claimed had already embraced, or wanted to embrace, Christianity. On the American side, the Society—an executive board based in New York, a network of auxiliary societies spanning from Maine to Georgia, and a small group of converts—worked to raise money to procure property for a colony to settle the converts. In short, the Society’s tolerant mission would evangelize and colonize Jews.

How do we make sense of this strange coalition—a former rabbinical student, a German count, a group of American religious and political elite, a sundry network of Protestant charitable societies, and a phalanx of ‘‘Hebrew Christians’’—who promoted tolerance and unity in the United States by evangelizing and colonizing European Jews? The members of the American Society for Meliorating the Condition of the Jews were inspired by evangelical impulses encouraging them to put aside their denominational differences in order to spread the kingdom of Christ. They were also influenced by Christian Zionism, or Restorationism, a biblical prophecy that led many evangelicals to believe that the restoration of Jews to Israel was a prerequisite for Christ’s return to Earth. At the same time, the American Society for Meliorating the Condition of the Jews reflected new trends emerging in the years between the Revolution and the Civil War. Americans were trying to figure out how to construct policies, institutions, and practices to accommodate the variety of religious life in the United States, given that they fundamentally embraced civil and religious liberty, yet few were interested in compromising their own beliefs.

Many historians have worked to make sense of Americans’ conflicted embrace of religious freedom. They have revealed that while Americans viewed religious freedom as a fundamental right, many also tended to believe that in order for the republic to flourish, coercive measures were necessary to cultivate a virtuous society. During the Revolutionary era, the competing dissenting religious groups identified established religion as their common enemy. They agreed, though often grudgingly, that it was better to accept the right of multiple religious groups to worship openly and receive…

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13 April 1986 Pope John Paul II tells Rome Synagogue – You are our “elder brothers” #otdimjh

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John Paul II eagerly steps forward to embrace the rabbi of Rome: the beginning of his visit to the Synagogue of Rome on April 13, 1986. 

“The Church of Christ discovers her “bond” with Judaism by “searching into her own mystery”, (cf. Nostra Aetate, ibid.). The Jewish religion is not “extrinsic” to us, but in a certain way is “intrinsic” to our own religion. With Judaism therefore we have a relationship which we do not have with any other religion. You are our dearly beloved brothers and, in a certain way, it could be said that you are our elder brothers.”

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THE ROOTS OF ANTI-JUDAISM IN THE CHRISTIAN ENVIRONMENT

From Pope John Paul II’s discourse during his visit to the Rome Synagogue on 13 April 1986

 

This gathering in a way brings to a close, after the Pontificate of John XXIII and the Second Vatican Council, a long period which we must not tire of reflecting upon in order to draw from it the appropriate lessons. Certainly, we cannot and should not forget that the historical circumstances of the past were very different from those that have laboriously matured over the centuries. The general acceptance of a legitimate plurality on the social, civil and religious levels has been arrived at with great difficulty. Nevertheless, a consideration of centuries-long cultural conditioning could not prevent us from recognizing that the acts of discrimination, unjustified limitation of religious freedom, oppression also on the level of civil freedom in regard to the Jews were, from an objective point of view, gravely deplorable manifestations. Yes, once again, through myself, the Church, in the words of the well-known Declaration Nostra Aetate (No. 4), «deplores the hatred, persecutions, and displays of anti-Semitism directed against the Jews at any time and by anyone”; I repeat: “by anyone».

I would like once more to express a word of abhorrence for the genocide decreed against the Jewish people during the last War, which led to the holocaust of millions of innocent victims.

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When I visited on 7 June 1979 the concentration camp at Auschwitz and prayed for the many victims from various nations, I paused in particular before the memorial stone with the inscription in Hebrew and thus manifested the sentiments of my heart: «This inscription stirs the memory of the People whose sons and daughters were destined to total extermination. This People has its origins in Abraham, who is our father in faith (cf. Rom 4,12), as Paul of Tarsus expressed it. Precisely this People, which received from God the commandment: “Thou shalt not kill”, has experienced in itself to a particular degree what killing means. Before this inscription it is not permissible for anyone to pass by with indifference» (Insegnamenti 1979, p. 1484). The Jewish community of Rome too paid a high price in blood.

And it was surely a significant gesture that in those dark years of racial persecution the doors of our religious houses, of our churches, of the Roman Seminary, of buildings belonging to the Holy See and of Vatican City itself were thrown open to offer refuge and safety to so many Jews of Rome being hunted by their persecutors.

No one is unaware that the fundamental difference from the very beginning has been the attachment of us Catholics to the person and teaching of Jesus of Nazareth, a son of your People…, from which were also born the Virgin Mary, the Apostles who were the “foundations and pillars of the Church” and the greater part of the first Christian community. But this attachment is located in the order of faith, that is to say in the free assent of the mind and heart guided by the Spirit, and it can never be the object of exterior pressure, in one sense or the other. This is the reason why we wish to deepen dialogue in loyalty and friendship, in respect for one another’s intimate convictions, taking as a fundamental basis the elements of the Revelation which we have in common, as a “great spiritual patrimony” (cf. Nostra Aetate No. 4).

We are all aware that, among the riches of this paragraph No. 4 of Nostra Aetate, three points are especially relevant. I would like to underline them here, before you, in this truly unique circumstance.

The first is that the Church of Christ discovers her “bond” with Judaism by “searching into her own mystery”, (cf. Nostra Aetate, ibid.). The Jewish religion is not “extrinsic” to us, but in a certain way is “intrinsic” to our own religion. With Judaism therefore we have a relationship which we do not have with any other religion. You are our dearly beloved brothers and, in a certain way, it could be said that you are our elder brothers.

The second point noted by the Council is that no ancestral or collective blame can be imputed to the Jews as a people for “what happened in Christ’s passion” (cf. Nostra Aetate, ibid.). Not indiscriminately to the Jews of that time, nor to those who came afterwards, not to those of today. So any alleged theological justification for discriminatory measures or, worse still, for acts of persecution is unfounded. The Lord will judge each one “according to his own works”, Jews and Christians alike (cf. Rom 2,6).

The third point that I would like to emphasise in the Council’s Declaration is a consequence of the second. Notwithstanding the Church’s awareness of her own identity, it is not lawful to say that the Jews are “repudiated or cursed”, as if this were taught or could be deduced from the Sacred Scriptures of the Old or the New Testament (cf. Nostra Aetate, ibid). Indeed, the Council has already said in this same text of Nostra Aetate, and also in the Dogmatic Constitution Lumen Gentium (No. 16), referring to Saint Paul in the Letter to the Romans (11,28-29), that the Jews are beloved of God, who has called them with an irrevocable calling.

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Mark Kinzer has taken up the theme of ‘searching into her own mystery’ in his latest book – see here

Prayer: Thank you Lord for the increasing awareness of the interdependence of the Church and Israel today. Help us as Messianic Jews to truly play our part in both, as witnesses to the Jewishness of Yeshua, your owngoing purposes for your people Israel, and the special unity of the Body of Messiah, the Church, that you call Israel and all nations to participate in. In Yeshua’s name we pray. Amen.

 

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12 April 1932 Birth of Moishe Rosen, founder of modern day “Jews for Jesus” #otdimjh

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“I wasn’t looking for Jesus or God or anything ontological. I kept my nose to the grindstone. My goal in life was nothing big: I wanted to earn a good living and be able to afford a middle-class lifestyle. But even if I wasn’t looking for Jesus, He was looking for me.”

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Rosen was born in Kansas City, Missouri, the son of Ben Rosen and Rose Baker. He was raised in Denver, Colorado. According to Rosen, his mother’s parents were “Reform Jews from Austria” and his paternal grandfather was an Orthodox Jew. Although his father regularly attended an Orthodox synagogue, Rosen describes him as irreligious and viewing religion as a “racket”.

Rosen married Ceil Starr on August 18, 1950, and they became Christians in 1953. After graduating from Northeastern Bible College, Rosen made a commitment to be a missionary to the Jewish people. He was ordained as a Conservative Baptist minister in 1957. He led Hebrew Christian congregations and worked for 17 years for the American Board of Missions to the Jews (ABMJ), (now called Chosen People Ministries), as an evangelist.

Beginning in 1970, he founded Hineni Ministries under the umbrella of ABMJ, later to become Jews for Jesus. In 1973, he left the employment of ABMJ to incorporate Jews for Jesus as a separate mission. In 1986, he received an honorary Doctor of Divinity Degree from Western Conservative Baptist Seminary in Portland, Oregon.

He stepped down from his position as Jews for Jesus’ Executive Director in 1996, and continued to be employed as a staff missionary, remaining one of fifteen board members until his death in May 2010. In 1997, the Conservative Baptist Association named him a “Hero of the Faith.”. Moishe received his home-call on May 19, 2010.

Prayer: Thank you, Lord, for the life and ministry of Moishe Rosen, an often unacknowledged pioneer of the modern day Messianic Jewish movement. We honour his memory and appreciate his controversial challenge to all to consider the Good News of our Messiah. May we, all Israel and all the nations, respond appropriately. In Yeshua’s name we pray, Amen.

For more of Moishe Rosen’s story see here and  here. Today’s blog post focuses on his contribution to the modern day Messianic Movement.

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It is difficult to overestimate Moishe Rosen’s contribution to modern day Messianic Judaism, although most people, including Moishe himself, would be surprised at this accolade. In addition to being a bold and fearless evangelist, a charismatic personality and a dynamic speaker and leader, he was also a pioneering strategist and masterly tactician. As founder and leader of the organization Jews for Jesus, he raised the image of the Messiah among our people and challenged the Church to consider the call to take the gospel “to the Jew first” in a way that few in the past century—even in the previous twenty centuries—had attempted and achieved to such powerful effect. (Havurah vol. 13:2 Fall 2010)

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Of course, as he acknowledged, and those of us who knew him would concur, he made plenty of mistakes in thought, feelings and actions. Nevertheless, he made a significant contribution that deserves to be remembered and celebrated. The concept of “Jews for Jesus”—in the early days just a slogan on the streets of San Francisco and Berkeley—communicated a message bigger than anyone organization. For perhaps the first time since the days of the early Jewish believers, it was recognized as a Jewish option to believe in Yeshua as Messiah. Through Moishe’s gifts as communicator and leader, the existence of Jews who believed in Jesus was visible on the radar of both Church and Synagogue in ways that could not be avoided or ignored.

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Moishe also had a significant but often unacknowledged role in the growth of the modern movement of Messianic congregations and ministries. One of the distinctives of the Messianic movement is the claim that Jewish people who believe in Yeshua remain Jewish and are encouraged to live out their Jewish identity. And according to Reform Rabbi Jonathan Romain of the U.K., Moishe could be credited with inventing this notion:

His “crime” was not that he attempted to convert Jews to Christianity—the church had been doing that for centuries—but that he added a new and subversive element to the missionary campaign by asserting that those who did so were not reneging on their Jewishness but fulfilling it. (1)

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Benyamin Cohen, the son of an Orthodox rabbi and author of the book

My Jesus Year: A Rabbi’s Son Wanders the Bible Belt in Search of His Own Faith,

similarly claimed Moishe as the founder of a group known as “Messianic Judaism”:

His group, often referred to as Messianic Judaism, attempts to merge Jewish and Christian beliefs by convincing Jews to believe in the divinity of Jesus Christ while still remaining Jewish.(2)

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Moishe himself would never have made such bold claims, and in fact some in the Messianic movement would strongly disassociate themselves from the ministry of Jews for Jesus. Yet Moishe did have a significant influence on the modern movement known as Messianic Judaism, and it is this writer’s conviction that his influence should not go unacknowledged, and that honor should be given where it is due. Five aspects of his influence are worth considering.

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  1. Role Model as a Jewish Believer in Jesus

Even apart from Moishe’s commitment to evangelism and his gifts as a leader, strategist and controversialist, his character asa Jew who became a believer in Jesus was an example to many. Moishe’s Jewish identity was not artificial or academic, but real, earthy and authentic. He was a food-loving, humorous,wise and unpretentious son of a scrap metal merchant who made his own way in life, brought up his family and provided for them, went through the knocks and boosts of life in a difficult and demanding ministry, and was an example of character and humanity that spoke as loudly as his writing and teaching. No one would claim that he was perfect, but he offered a personal example of being Jewish, believing in Jesus and living out his faith in ways that demonstrated that one could be fully Jewish and fully Christian.

In the words used to describe Sir Leon Levison, first President of the International Messianic Jewish (formerly Hebrew Christian) Alliance, he was a “Jew by race and a Christian by grace,” and managed to integrate the two. As one of his first broadsides said, “I was born a Jew and I’ll die a Jew.” This matter-of-factness about his Jewishness was more authentic and genuine than many of those in the Messianic movement who have little or no connection with being Jewish.

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  1. Missiologist

It goes without saying that the priority of Jewish evangelism was always on Moishe’s heart, and his leadership in and advocacy of Jewish missions is well known. What may be less known is that Moishe advocated appropriate contextualization in the Messianic movement. He encouraged the production of resources such as the Avodat Yeshua  congregational hymnbook, liturgies for the High Holidays and Jewish life-cycle events, Messianic Passover haggadahs, and more. He trained his own staff in compiling and leading services. Those liturgies were made available, and became the basis for much congregational worship today. The contextualized Messianic music of the Liberated Wailing Wall continues to be used some thirty years later. (3)

In addition to his work in contextualization, Moishe spoke out in the area of ethics. In a 1985 paper delivered to the Lausanne Consultation on Jewish Evangelism (LCJE), Moishe spoke to the issues of the use of Jewish symbols, the use of ethical persuasion, the relationship of contextualization to deception, and the integrity of our witness in such areas as invitations to public events and child evangelism. He concluded, “We must see for ourselves that much of the condemnation of our ethical behavior from the Jewish community is defensive. Nevertheless, there are those areas where we need to take heed that we are conducting ourselves honestly and that our behavior is not a reproach to the name of our Lord.”(4)

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Moishe stood for integrity and truth in reporting statistics and facts. At one time he threatened another well-known evangelist with the possibility of legal action if he did not substantiate the statistics he was publicizing about his work in Israel. When the post-Soviet era saw a great openness to the gospel in the former Iron Curtain countries, he encouraged those leading campaigns and festivals to ensure the statistics for those responding were accurate. On the other hand, when some rabbis complained that the Messianic movement was just “picking off” people who were poor and uneducated, Jews for Jesus conducted a survey. Beverly Jamison, a statistician, compiled the results indicating that the situation among Jewish believers paralleled that of the larger Jewish community in terms of socioeconomic status, education, and correlation with the branches of Judaism. (5)

  1. Friend, Trainer and Mentor to Individuals

Moishe saw the ministry of Jews for Jesus as just one part of the greater movement of Jews coming to faith in Jesus. Many of the individuals now in leadership in Messianic congregations and organizations were advised, mentored and trained by Moishe. These include some who at one time served with Jews for Jesus, including Steve Cohen (The Apple of His Eye, St. Louis, MO), Stuart Dauermann (rabbi [now emeritus] at Ahavat Zion Messianic Synagogue in Beverly Hills, CA), Mitch Glaser (President of Chosen People Ministries), Loren Jacobs (Congregation Shema Yisrael, Southfield, MI), Barry Rubin (rabbi at Emmanuel Messianic Jewish Congregation, Clarksville, MD and director of Messianic Jewish Publications), Murray Tilles (Light of Messiah Ministries, Atlanta, GA), and David and Martha Stern (David wrote the Messianic Jewish Manifesto  and other books and translated the widely-used Complete Jewish Bible ).

There were others too who though not serving with Jews for Jesus benefited from Moishe’s friendship and advice. Among these were Jonathan Bernis (Jewish Voice Ministries International), Arnold Fruchtenbaum (Ariel Ministries), Neil and Jamie Lash (Jewish Jewels), Abraham Sandler (Christian and Missionary Alliance), and Robert Specter (Rock of Israel Ministries, Fairfield, OH).

A few comments are worth hearing. Specter noted that “in1995 Moishe Rosen invited me to join their Summer Evangelism Campaign in New York City. He allowed me to receive the training and experience that would shape much of my efforts in Jewish Evangelism.”(6)

Sandler, a longtime missionary to the Jewish people in the C&MA denomination, wrote that “for more than twenty years I have known of and related to the Jews for Jesus organization. I have had their staff speak in my congregation that I pastored … I personally participated in one of their two-week training programs … I have sent some of our staff people to train with Jews for Jesus and to participate in their witnessing campaigns. Their experience was one of the highlights of their ministry.” (7)

Many senior leaders in the Messianic movement such as Yosef Koelner, Paul Liberman and David Sedaca have paid tribute to the influence Moishe had in their lives. Daniel Juster, a founding figure in the Union of Messianic Jewish Congregations(UMJC) and currently director of Tikkun International, remarked about the inspiration Moishe gave him in his zeal and passion for evangelism. Paul Liberman, publisher of the Messianic Times , said that “Moishe would speak the truth even though I did not want to hear it—but I needed to hear it, and he usually turned out to be right.” David Sedaca of Chosen People Ministries affectionately reported how “Moishe taught me to drive, and I got my first ticket with him!” (8) Stan Telchin, the late Zola Levitt, and other Messianic leaders valued Moishe’s friendship and support.

  1. Supporter and Encourager to the Messianic Jewish Movement

In addition to the many individuals that Moishe took an interest in, he also encouraged the larger movement in its congregational and ministry aspects. As to Messianic congregations, Moishe spoke positively of earlier congregational works such as that of David Bronstein in Chicago. Yes, there were aspects to the more recent congregations that he didn’t like, such as the use of the title

rabbi  which he felt only belonged to those who had earned semicha 

(ordination). Nevertheless, Moishe himself actually led what amounted to two Messianic congregations (though they were not referred to by that name), both called Beth Sar Shalom, when he served with the American Board of Missions to the Jews (ABMJ) (9) in Los Angeles and in Manhattan.

It was not Moishe’s intention to make Jews for Jesus into a congregation-planting ministry; direct evangelism was always to remain the focus. But it happened that congregations came into existence as a result of the evangelism that was being carried out, with the Jews for Jesus staff providing leadership and resources until the new congregation was able to stand independently with its own pastor.

Such congregations included Kehilat Yeshua (New York City); Adat Yeshua Ha Adon (Woodland Hills near Los Angeles); Beit Yeshua (Johannesburg, South Africa); and Tiferet Israel (San Francisco). One congregation (Shema Yisrael in Southfield, MI, outside Detroit) originally began as an outreach by a former staff member with the encouragement of Jews for Jesus. All but the San Francisco congregation remain in existence. Moishe encouraged the staff of Jews for Jesus to beinvolved in congregational life in a number of ways. For example, for their tenure in Chicago, Jhan and Melissa Moskowitz were members at Adat Hatikvah, a UMJC congregation. Jhan was an elder; Melissa was a deacon, head of education, and head of women’s ministries. Both were chavurah  group leaders.

Jhan afterwards led KehilatYeshua in New York for a time, as did Efraim Goldstein at Tiferet Israel in San Francisco. Michael Sischy of Jews forJesus’ Johannesburg branch helps to lead Beit Yeshua. Many Jews for Jesus staff continue to participate in the life of Messianic congregations in their own cities, and advocate that new Jewish believers be encouraged to attend either churches or Messianic congregations, depending on what is available, the needs of the person, and the quality of the church/congregation. Moishe frequently spoke at Messianic congregations and aided in such areas as fundraisers for their building programs. Among those congregations were Ruach Israel (Needham, MA, at the invitation of Rabbi Rich Nichol); Roeh Israel(Denver, led by Burt Yellin); and the Messianic Jewish Center (Philadelphia, headed by Herb Links).

In evangelism, Moishe’s own strategy was sometimes adopted by others in the Messianic movement, whether as part of their regular ministry or on a short-term basis. Messianic congregations and ministries sometimes sent their younger members to participate on Jews for Jesus evangelism campaigns. When Steve Cohen led the work in Canada, he was encouraged to partner with Messianic groups in Toronto for evangelism, and members of Melech Yisrael would sometimes join campaigns as volunteers. And Moishe lent his support to some who had at one time served with Jews for Jesus but now felt called to Jewish evangelism in a different role.

Already mentioned are Murray Tilles, who founded Light of Messiah Ministries in Atlanta, and Steve Cohen, who went on to establish The Apple of His Eye mission society within the Lutheran Church–Missouri Synod. Loren Jacobs engages in direct evangelism in additionto his congregational ministry. All have continued to partner with Jews for Jesus in evangelistic outreach and Cohen in particular organizes his own evangelism campaigns modelled on those of Jews for Jesus, including producing a steady stream of broadsides for various occasions.

Whether among congregations or missions, Moishe was an advocate of networking and cooperation. In Chicago, the Harvest Committee was a group of leaders of the Messianic congregations and Jewish ministries in the greater Chicagoland area. Jhan Moskowitz acted as the facilitator for some twenty years, with the group meeting at the Jews for Jesus office every six weeks or so. Moishe hoped that this would be a model for other cities, whereby different ministries would meet together for prayer, outreach, picnics and mutual encouragement.

The Harvest Committee continues to meet to this day.The issue of cooperation between congregations and missions came together in a unique way in 1982. That was the year that the “Messiah Has Come” evangelism campaign took place in London, UK. At the time this author was one of the leaders of the fledgling London Messianic Fellowship it was not yet a congregation). It was Moishe who was largely responsible for getting LMF accepted by the Jewish missions in the United Kingdom, and he successfully advocated for us to be involved in the campaign and to receive contacts alongside the various Jewish missions that were participating.

Not least, Moishe’s active involvement with the Lausanne Consultation on Jewish Evangelism was, in addition to encouraging the networking among missions, often to advocate the place of Messianic congregations before leaders of Jewish missions who had reservations. (See accompanying article on the LCJE.)

  1. Messianic Theologian

In my recent book, Mapping Messianic Jewish Theology (10), I identified eight or nine types of Messianic Jewish theology, but there is one type that is missing. That is “Jews for Jesus/Moishe Rosen” Messianic Jewish theology.

From one perspective, Moishe’s theology could be described as evangelical, Calvinistic and Baptist with a dispensationalist edge. But there is actually more depth and subtlety to his position. He did not formulate it systematically, but Moishe’s “Messianic theology” saw Yeshua as the Messiah and the fulfillment of all that Judaism aspired to. Once a person came to know the Messiah, he or she would find true fulfillment in him—in terms of Jewish identity, in terms of Torah observance and in solidarity with Israel.

His priority was making the Messiah known, and he challenged those with other emphases and concerns to respond to this priority and articulate clearly their own position. Often he had a pivotal influence in causing other Messianic Jews to formulate their own positions, whether in reaction or in response to Moishe’s unsystematic and implicit theological system. At the end of the day, many Messianic Jews were sufficiently challenged to study more diligently and come to greater personal integrity and authenticity of belief and practice through his example.

Conclusion

 

Moishe was always a provocative and controversial figure. As one of the most significant Jewish mission leaders of the twentieth century, he could not but be given some of the credit for shaping the movement known as Messianic Judaism andalso sometimes taking the blame for its mistakes. Some might say that there has often been a love-hate relationship between Jews for Jesus and the wider Messianic movement. If so, this has only added stimulus to the discussion of the questions, “What does it really mean to share the Messiah with our people?” and “What does it really mean to be a Messianic Jew?” By his advocacy of evangelism, by his mentoring roles, by his encouragement of congregations and ministries, Moishe has left us with critical questions that the Messianic movement dare not ignore as it looks to the future.

Notes

  1. Jonathan Romain, “Did Moishe Rosen Die a Jew or a Christian?”

The Guardian , June 23, 2010. Online at http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/belief/2010/jun/23/moishe-rosen-jew-jesus . All URLs in this article were last accessed August 25, 2010.

  1. Benyamin Cohen, “Death of a Salesman: Moishe Rosen, Jews for Jesus Founder,Is Dead,” Huffington Post , June 3, 2010. Online at http://www.huffingtonpost.com/benyamin-cohen/death-of-a-salesman-moish_b_598150.html
  1. As of summer 2010, the Liberated Wailing Wall has been deliberately disbanded as Jews for Jesus moves towards a new approach to our music ministry, which will involve more direct evangelism than in the past. The new music group is called Blue Mosaic, and you will hear more about them in the months ahead.
  1. Moishe Rosen, “An Ethical Basis of Witness to the Jewish Community: ACompendium of Thought,” April 1985. Online at: http://www.lcje.net/papers/1985/Rosen.pdf
  1. Beverly Jamison and Mitchell Glaser, Jewish Believer Survey: A Demographic Profile of Jews Who Believe in Jesus (San Francisco:Jews for Jesus, 1983; out of print).
  2. “Letter from Robert Specter,” http://www.jewsforjesus.org/about/forjewsforjesus/messianic/specter
  3. “Letter from Abraham Sandler,” http://www.jewsforjesus.org/about/forjewsforjesus/messianic/sandler
  4. Daniel Juster and Paul Liberman, in personal conversation with the author; David Sedaca, at the memorial dinner following Moishe’s homegoing, as reported to the author.
  5. Today Chosen People Ministries.
  6. Richard Harvey, Mapping Messianic Jewish Theology: A Constructive Approach (Carlisle: Paternoster Press, 2009, reprinted 2014)

https://www.academia.edu/4371440/Moishe_Rosen_His_Contribution_to_the_Messianic_Movement

http://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2010/mayweb-only/30-52.0.html

http://www.jewsforjesus.org/

http://jewsforjesus.org/answers/life-stories/moishe-rosens-testimony

I wasn’t looking for Jesus or God or anything ontological. I kept my nose to the grindstone. My goal in life was nothing big: I wanted to earn a good living and be able to afford a middle-class lifestyle. But even if I wasn’t looking for Jesus, He was looking for me.

My Jewishness is something that I took for granted. I grew up in Denver, Colorado in a neighborhood where most of the people were Jewish. If you walked into the grocery store or the shoemaker, or the barber, you expected to hear Yiddish.

In Denver, most people who followed the Jewish religion had few choices: most of us were Orthodox. There was one Conservative Congregation, and one Reformed Temple, but these were for upper-class people. So Orthodoxy was the way that most of us went, even though we didn’t particularly follow doctrines. We didn’t particularly work at being observant.

I was a Depression baby, and not much in Denver changed during my childhood. Most of the boys and girls that I went to grammar school with were the same ones I knew in high school. There was little upward mobility, as we went from the Depression Era to the World War Two Era.

During those years, it was a rare thing for any Jewish family to move to Denver, or to move from Denver. The neighborhood was unchanged, so when Celia Starr moved into my block, and she’d come from Boston, there was a lot of curiosity about this immigrant.” That was what we called people who came from other cities.

Everybody loved to hear her talk because of her accent. Boys would tease her and say, “Tell us that we should park the car.” And in the beginning, being innocent, she would say, “Pahk the cah.” We would giggle among ourselves, because that’s not the way that real people talked. After a while, she wouldn’t talk to any of us. Though she was the prettiest girl in the neighborhood, she got the reputation of being stuck up, when she was only shy.

None of the guys stood a chance of making an impression with her. I worked out a strategy: I made friends with her mother, and sure enough, I got to talk to Ceil. I didn’t make fun of her accent, and she didn’t remind me of my reputation of being a rough neck. We were sweethearts in high school.

She had a better knowledge of the Jewish religion than me. Her parents were “frum,” or strictly observant. When it came time for us to be married, we were married in an Orthodox synagogue. But by then, I was an agnostic and she was a self-proclaimed atheist. God didn’t have a place in our lives. Prayer meant talking to yourself, and miracles were like magic fairy tales.

But it didn’t stay that way long. When Ceil was pregnant with our first child, she began to wonder about God. She realized that much of her “atheism” had been a reaction to her upbringing. She knew there had to be more out there. She had been impressed by singing Christmas carols in high school, particularly “Oh Come, Oh Come Immanuel and ransom captive Israel.” What did Jesus have to do with Israel? Why did Israel need to be ransomed?

And as she puzzled, she fell back into a habit of her childhood: she prayed. She had stopped praying when she was five years old: her Mickey Mouse balloon popped, and she prayed and prayed that God would fix it, but the balloon was still popped. So now, except for the formal prayers said in the synagogue, she didn’t ask God for anything.

But now she was asking that God would show Himself to her. No one has ever earnestly prayed that prayer that the Almighty has failed to answer. She had a sudden urge to read the New Testament, a book scorned by Jews as being goyisch, and not for our people. So, quietly, she began to read and discovered that the New Testament was also a Jewish book involving Jewish people, but most of all about the Jewish Messiah. But she couldn’t put it all together, so she prayed again that God would help her. And help was on the way in the form of a missionary from the American Board of Missions to the Jews.

Now, I had heard the Gospel earlier. I was just seventeen years old, and someone on a street corner started talking to me. His name was Orville Freestone. He got into the Gospel (this was 1947) and told me to look for Israel to become a state. I was fascinated with what he said. We both took the same bus; we were going the same direction, but we both got off at Federal Boulevard, except he was supposed to go south, and I was supposed to go north. But I became so fascinated with what he was saying, I walked and stood on his front porch for a while, and took it all in. He went in the house and got a New Testament, and asked me to read it.

Well, as I walked home, I started thinking: “What he says makes sense. So that means that I must be one dumbJew, because Jesus couldn’t possibly be the Messiah. And I’m not going to read this book, because if I read it, I might believe it. And I don’t trust my own judgment. No, I’m not going to have anything to do with this. If the rabbis ever get together and decide that Jesus is the Messiah, maybe I’ll go along with them.”

But here, four years later, my wife was groping to know how to follow Christ. The Lord answered her prayer. Then I found out how hostile and angry I could be. But, in her new-found faith, she had the patience to endure my anger and hostility.

Up until that time, I thought there was a good case that could be made against believing in Jesus, and that the rabbis had good reason. So I visited the rabbi that had married us, and asked him for the intellectual ammunition that would convince her. He sat down and made explanations to me that seemed no more than a quibbling about the possible variant meanings of Hebrew words. I looked at him and said, “Rabbi Bryks, these things will not convince her, and frankly, they don’t even convince me. There’s got to be better reasons.”

Then he thought for a moment, and smiled. He said, “Well, think on this. It takes two to tango.” I replied, “Huh?” Then he explained that when it came to the virgin birth, it was just not a possibility, that there would have had to have been a human father.

What he didn’t know was that in that one notion, he completely undermined the case not only for Christianity, but for Judaism and any other kind of theism. If God can’t perform miracles, and the basic documents say that He did perform miracles, then the documents must be wrong.

I was cut adrift. But I started reading atheist writers, and I tried those arguments on my wife. Nothing could shake her in her faith, and I couldn’t argue with her changed life. I wish I could say that there was some big convincing argument that persuaded me. It didn’t’ happen that way. It’s just that the more I fought against the Gospel, there was something in me that knew that it was true.

One Saturday night, I sat down to read one of the many pamphlets that my wife left around the house. If they were serious, I would throw those pamphlets away. If it was something that I could ridicule, then I read it, and I read it out loud with a “ha, ha” tone of voice so that Ceil would know that I was making fun of it.

This particular pamphlet was titled, “What Is Heaven Like?” As I began to read the hyper-literalist interpretation of Heaven, I didn’t read it out loud, I got part way-and in my heart, I said, “Heaven’s not like this at all…oops!” The oops was because I didn’t believe up until that time that such a thing as Heaven existed, and now, within myself, I had some idea of what it must be like.

So I did some unpacking of my thinking, and discovered that faith was there. I really did believe in Heaven, believed in the Bible, believed in Christ, and was ready to say so.

When I first heard the Gospel, I didn’t want to know that it was true, because it would have meant that my family would disown me; my friends would desert me, that if I let myself believe in Jesus, I would be an outcast. What I didn’t realize was that I had no choice in the matter, because if I said that Jesus wasn’t the promised Messiah or the Bible wasn’t true, I would know that I was a liar.

Since that time, God has answered prayer in my life over and over again, and has reassured me of His presence in my life and the lives of others in this world. But then, that’s another story.

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11 April 1820 Birth of Aaron Stern, pioneer missionary explorer and founder of the Hebrew Christian Alliance #otdimjh

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Henry Aaron Stern was born in Unterreichenbach, near Gelnhausen. He was an Anglican missionary and captive for four years in Abyssinia.

He was the youngest son of Aaron Stern, a Jew, and Hannah his wife. He was born in the Duchy of Hessen-Kassel. He received his education at a school in Frankfurt, to which place his parents had removed when he was young. His father destined him for the medical profession, but, at his son’s special request, sent him when seventeen years old to Hamburg to be trained for a commercial life.

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In 1839 Stern received the offer of a good appointment in London, but the firm failed, and he found himself unsuccessful in obtaining employment. While in London he was taken to the Palestine Place chapel, where, through the influence of Dr. McCaul, he became a Christian, and was baptised on 15 March 1840. He was then placed in the Operative Jewish Converts’ Institution, where he learned the trade of a printer. In August 1842 he was admitted into the Hebrew College of the London Jews’ Society, with the ultimate intention of becoming a missionary to the Jews.

350085-Stern cmj (1)

Stern was first sent by the London Jews Society to Jerusalem, where he was ordained as a deacon on 14 July 1844 by the first Anglican Bishop of Jerusalem, Michael Solomon Alexander in St. James’s Chapel at Jerusalem, then traveling onwards to Bagdad. In 1849 during a visit to England he was ordained an Anglican priest in the Chapel Royal at Whitehall on 23 December 1849 by the bishop of London. Stern returned to Bagdad in the following June, and stayed there for three more years before being transferred 1853-1859 to Istanbul.

V05p329001_Falashas

Gondar, seen in the background, was a major Ethiopian slave market.

The London Jews’ Society then directed Stern to travel to Ethiopia to preach to the Beta Israel Jews, arriving on March 10, 1860. On his return from Ethiopia he was founder of the Hebrew Christian Prayer Union of London, 1882, later included into Carl Schwartz’ Hebrew Christian Alliance of Great Britain.

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On his visit to Ethiopia King Tewodros II of Ethiopia initially welcomed Stern, and Stern fixed his headquarters at Genda. Following various slights by Lord John Russell of the British Foreign Office and others the king’s attitude to the British changed. Stern was summoned to appear before the king at Gondar in October 1863 where Stern was beaten and imprisoned together with a Mr. Rosenthal, his LJS assistant.

Henry Stern taken prisoner by Tewodros II in Abyssinia in 1863. Rev.

Henry Stern taken prisoner by Tewodros II in Abyssinia in 1863. Rev.

By the time they were transferred to prison at Amba Magdala, in November 1864 they were joined by consul, Cameron, and other Europeans. Stern’s situation was made more difficult by the fact that the king was made aware of uncomplimentary material in Stern’s book – including having stated that the king’s mother was a vendor of kosso – in Wanderings among the Falashas in Abyssinia: together with a description of the Country and its various Inhabitants 1862. All this led to the 1868 Expedition to Abyssinia.

500px-1862BetaIsraelPreach

Gidney continues the story:

We now come to the last period of Stern’s life (1870-1885) which, though free from stirring adventures and dangerous situations, was none the less active and full.

For some time after his return Stern was incessantly and altogether engaged in narrating his experiences to crowded audiences in every part of the country, who hung, with breathless interest, upon the terrible yet fascinating story of the Abyssinian mission. In subsequent years Stern could very rarely be persuaded to recount the horrors of the past. On one occasion, and that only, in response to [488] the persuasive entreaty of friends in a south-coast town, did he ever tell the wonderful story of his sufferings and achievements in that far-off land. Either the innate humility and modesty of the man, or painful memories, made it most distasteful to unlock the door of the past.

British Army on the march transporting weapons and supplies during their 1868 expedition to Abyssinia.

British Army on the march transporting weapons and supplies during their 1868 expedition to Abyssinia.

In 1870 Dr. Ewald resigned his work as senior missionary in London. It was no easy matter to find a man qualified to succeed him. Only one seemed possible, and that was Stern, whose health, undermined by his unparalleled sufferings in Abyssinia, no longer permitted him to serve the Society in the East. He was appointed Ewald’s successor from the 1st of January, 1871, and brought to his new sphere a ripe and unrivalled experience in Jewish missionary work, gained, as we have seen, in Persia, Turkey, Arabia, and Abyssinia; and an acquaintance with a dozen or more languages, an invaluable possession for a missionary in the metropolis, who has by personal intercourse and correspondence to deal with Jews of different nationalities. Though Stern missed in England the refined courtesy of the German, and the religious gravity of the Oriental Jew, and consequently those winning qualities which helped on friendly intercourse and mutual interchange of convictions between missionary and Jew, he yet found that most of the Jews in England were able to discuss religious questions calmly and dispassionately. The three chief means which Stern relied upon to win his way amongst the Jews were circulation of tracts, domiciliary visitation, and special sermons in [489] Spitalfields and Whitechapel. The last were highly successful. Jews attended in large numbers, attracted by the fame of the preacher, and the glowing and burning eloquence which flowed from his lips as he pointed them to the Messiah. An attendance of from 400 to 500 Jews was of frequent occurrence. A German prayer meeting was substituted for the service hitherto held on Friday evenings, in order to draw together some of the 2,000 proselytes, and numerous enquirers then in London. This paved the way for the establishment, later on, of the “Hebrew Christian Prayer Union.”

Thousands of Jews were addressed in public and in private, in streets, houses, shops, churches and mission halls.

A mission hall, situated in Whitechapel, was made a useful centre, where meetings on Saturdays and other days were generally well attended. There was a daily Bible Class held for Jews. Conversions and baptisms were numerous; but, as Stern said in 1876, when speaking of results, and his words are true for all time, and in every place as well as London:—”Conversions, however few or many they may be, are not the gauge by which the progress of mission work amongst the Jews can be ascertained. A man may be thoroughly convinced of the truth of the Gospel, and yet hesitate to take the final and decisive step. He may shrink from the persecution, the trials, the troubles, and the sacrifices a public profession of his faith would entail. Of course no one, who is truly concerned for his soul’s eternal welfare, should be[490] ashamed to avow his convictions. Nevertheless, a strong faith and ardent love are indispensably necessary to enable a catechumen to break through the ties of cherished affection and friendship for the Gospel’s sake. That all are not destitute of these heavenly gifts, ever-recurring instances testify. The greater majority, however, prefer to conceal their religious sentiments. They go to church, join in the services, and even contribute to missionary societies, and yet nominally profess to be Jews.”

Stern not only worked in London, but also held special services for Jews in many other towns. He combined with his mission work the supervision of the “Wanderers’ Home,” a most useful institution for the reception of converts and enquirers.

In 1874, on the thirtieth anniversary of his ordination, his Hebrew Christian and other friends presented him with a testimonial—a silver tea and coffee service—as a slight token of their esteem; and in 1881 the Archbishop of Canterbury conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Divinity. In 1884 he was elected a member of the Committee of the L.J.S., where his vast and varied experience was of the utmost use; and he was also elected an Associate of the Victoria Institute.

Stern’s work in London was carried on to the time of his death, which occurred, after much suffering, on May 13, 1885. The funeral service was held in the Episcopal Jews’ Chapel, Palestine Place, on May 18, in the presence of a large and sorrowing congregation, and his mortal remains laid to rest in Ilford Cemetery.[491] He was twice married: first, in 1850, to Miss Charlotte Elizabeth Purday, who died in 1874; and secondly, in 1883, to Miss Rebecca Goff, daughter of S. D. Goff, Esq., of Horetown, Co. Wexford.

As a preacher Stern was eloquence itself; as a writer he had a most charming and picturesque diction. His published journals and books, like those of Dr. Wolff, are full of the most romantic incidents of missionary experience. His published works were: “Dawning of Light in the East” (1854), being an account of his work in Persia, Kurdistan and Mesopotamia; “Wanderings amongst the Falashas in Abyssinia” (1862); and “The Captive Missionary” (1868), both narratives of his Abyssinian experiences.

That he was of the spirit of which martyrs are made, the following extracts from his letters, written during the long and dreary days of his captivity in Abyssinia, clearly demonstrate:—

“Thank God, in the midst of my troubles, cares and anxieties, I enjoy the profoundest calm and resignation. It is true there are days when the heart pulsates with gratitude and joy, and there are days when it throbs beneath the mortifying agonies of despondency. Sometimes I feel as if I could not endure another week the fetters which encircle my limbs, and confine me in painful inactivity to this desolate rock. Such rebellious sentiments I generally try to suppress, and if this is impossible, I seek comfort in the thought, that all is ordered in wisdom and infinite love. Our heavenly Father hath, no doubt, an object in this protracted captivity, and[492] when once the veil of mystery is lifted up, every incident and circumstance which hath wrung a prayer or extorted a groan from the grieved soul, will prove to have been in harmony with the designs of a gracious Providence, and fraught with inestimable blessings.”

And again, “Our nerves were horrible shattered, and our minds, too, would have been unhinged, had not religion, with her solacing influence, soothed the asperities and hardships of our existence. The Bible, prayers, and a morning and evening exposition of an appropriate passage were the exercises in which we regularly engaged. No bitter gibes, no harsh expressions, no unbecoming word characterised our intercourse; religion formed a wonderful bond of harmony, and when I looked on the devout countenances that there hung over the inspired page, as I commented on the selected text, I cherished the pleasing hope that the clouds, so big with wrath, had been charged with showers of everlasting mercy. At such a period—I say it solemnly—the punctured head, the riven side, the pierced feet, and the heavy cross of redeeming love, is a sight that nerves and supports the drooping and desponding spirit. In my distress and sorrow, I threw myself on the bosom of a sympathizing Saviour, and if I was not happy, I was at least resigned.”

No one can estimate the abundance of spiritual harvest from the long life of toil and labour which Stern spent to the honour and glory of his Master. He sowed in tears, he led captivity captive, he turned[493] many to righteousness, and of him it may confidently be said, that he will shine as a starfor ever and ever.[23]

stern obit

Prayer: Thank you Lord for this Hebrew Christian pioneer, explorer and missionary. What an extraordinary career and calling of travels, adventure and proclamation. May his example inspi.re us today, in our context and cultures, to radical faith, bold imagination, and willingness to serve you. In Yeshua’s name. Amen

http://www.gutenberg.org/files/37734/37734-h/37734-h.htm

https://archive.org/stream/historylondonso00gidngoog/historylondonso00gidngoog_djvu.txt

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_Aaron_Stern

  • Dawnings of Light in the East: with Biblical, Historical, and Statistical Notices of Persons and Places in Persia, Coordistan, and Mesopotamia1854
  • Journal of a Missionary Journey into Arabia Felix1858
  • Wanderings among the Falashas in Abyssinia: together with a description of the Country and its various Inhabitants1862
  • The Captive Missionary: being an Account of the Country and People of Abyssinia – Embracing a narrative of King Theodore’s life, and his Treatment of Political and Religious Missions.1868

Henry Aaron Stern, Wanderings among the Falashas in Abyssinia (London: Wertheim, Macintosh, and Hunt, 1862). Manuscripts, Archives and Rare Books Division, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, The New York Public Library.

From Bernstein: Stern, Dr. Henry A., was born of Jewish parents on April 11, 1820, at Unterreichenbach, in the Duchy of Hesse Cassel. Subsequently the family removed to Frankfort-on-the-Main, where they resided in the quaint old “Judengasse,” now a thing of the past. Though educated in this town with a view to the medical profession, Stern, when about seventeen years of age, decided to follow commerce, and to that end repaired to Hamburg. It was there, in the providence of God, that his attention was first drawn to Christianity, by noticing some Christian literature in a glass case near the house of the London Jews’ Society’s missionary, Mr. J. C. Moritz. The impression subsequently obtained by its perusal was increased when, on arrival in London, in 1839, Stern was induced by a fellow-lodger to attend a Sunday afternoon Hebrew service in Palestine Place, conducted by Dr. Alexander McCaul. Thoroughly awakened, Stern sought the missionary the next day, and, indeed, for many days, until he became a recognized enquirer, and was eventually admitted[477] into the Operative Jewish Converts’ Institution. There he was further carefully prepared in Christianity, and baptized on March 15, 1840. For two years longer he remained in the Institution, working at his trade, but it was very evident that Stern, by his learning and gifts, was eminently fitted to be a missionary, and consequently he was taken into the Society’s College for a further term of two years.

In 1844 Stern received his first missionary post, and was sent to Bagdad. He left London under the direction of the Rev. Murray Vickers, accompanied by three other young missionaries. They broke their journey at Jerusalem, where Stern was ordained deacon by Bishop Alexander, on July 14 of the same year. Arriving at Bagdad, Stern threw himself into his work with great zeal and ardour.

The Jewish population of Bagdad then consisted of about 16,000 souls. The whole trade of the town was in their hands, and they were supposed to be the most wealthy class of the community. They manifested the greatest anxiety to obtain the books published by the Society. Day after day the house of the missionaries was filled to overflowing with Jews of all ages, ranks and stations, and the streets near were crowded all day by numbers of Jews, Stern being constantly stopped as he walked along them. The bazaars, khans, and the Beth Hamedrash, were visited, and supplied frequent opportunities for proclaiming the Gospel.[478]

The eagerness manifested by the Jews of Bagdad to enter into discussion on the subject of Christianity, and more especially the application of two enquirers for regular instruction, stirred up active opposition on the part of the rabbis, and an excommunication was issued against all who should have intercourse with the missionaries. This had the desired effect. For six or seven months no Jew was seen in the mission house. Then, gradually, some ventured to come by stealth; and, soon, from twelve to twenty again visited the missionaries on Saturdays, several of whom were of the most respectable Jewish families in Bagdad. The Jewish authorities, however, did not relax their vigilance, but threatened to repeat the anathema.

In the winter of 1844 Stern made a journey to certain places on the banks of the Euphrates, going to Hillah, where he visited the synagogue and Jewish schools; the tomb of Ezekiel, greatly venerated by the Jews; Meshed-Ali, a Moslem town with a few Jews; Cufa; the tower of Belus (Babel) or Birs Nimroud; and the ruins of Babylon. In 1845 Stern and a fellow-labourer, the Rev. P. H. Sternchuss, improved the time during which missionary operations in Bagdad were suspended, in consequence of the cherem mentioned above, in making a missionary journey into the interior of Persia. They held much interesting intercourse with the Jews of Kermanshah and Hamadan. On November 21 of the same year, the two missionaries embarked on the Tigris for the purpose of undertaking a second[479] journey in Persia. They visited Bussorah, Bushire, Shiraz, and several other places where Jews resided. Both in synagogues and Jewish schools, and also at their lodgings, they proclaimed the unsearchable riches of Christ to considerable numbers of their Jewish brethren.

The deadly scourge of cholera prevailed in Bagdad to an alarming extent in 1846, and in a very few weeks several thousands were suddenly taken off by it, and missionary work was consequently suspended. The Jews thought the visitation was owing to the fact that many of their brethren had imbibed the doctrines of Christianity, and their opposition became most violent. A second cherem was pronounced in the synagogues against the missionaries and all holding intercourse with them.

Notwithstanding the violence of the rabbis and the ignorance which prevailed, especially amongst Jewesses, the missionaries met with many to whom they were able to declare the love of the Redeemer, and several received regular instruction. Of the Bagdad Jews in general they said:—”A spirit of enquiry pervades all classes of Jews in Bagdad The rabbis are fully sensible of it, and endeavour to do everything in their power to check this extraordinary movement.”

In 1847 a temporary retreat to Persia was thought advisable, during which Stern preached the Gospel to many hundreds of Jews, both in Chaldæa and Persia, and extensively circulated the Scriptures in the Hebrew, Syriac, Arabic, Persian, Turkish, and[480] Armenian languages. This was a great achievement in a region hitherto noted for intolerance, bigotry, poverty, fanaticism, and superstition.

On the arrival from home of fresh supplies of books, the lodgings of the missionaries were crowded for days together, from morning till evening, with eager applicants for the sacred treasure. The missionaries were now well known to many of the Jews in the surrounding countries, from the journeys which they undertook from time to time. They sent the Word of God to the wilds of Kurdistan, the deserts of Khorasan and Turkistan. They were privileged to admit two Israelites, one of Bagdad and the other from Bushire, into the Church of Christ by baptism. Others received instruction from them for a longer or a shorter period.

On their return to Bagdad, a room belonging to the mission was fitted up for Divine Service, and usually from twelve to fifteen Jews attended the daily morning service, at dawn of day; the instruction of enquirers taking place immediately afterwards. An English service was held on Sunday morning, and a Hebrew service in the afternoon during winter. An operative converts’ institution was opened.

In August, 1850, a Jewish doctor was baptized, which incident produced another severe anathema from the rabbis against all who should have any intercourse with the missionaries. “In order to make the interdict more impressive,” wrote Stern, “the horn was blown, and all the books of the law unrolled.” This was repeated several days. Jews, in large[481] numbers, however, began to call at the depôt which Stern opened; and he affirmed that there were many who had learned the Truth from reading the New Testament. In 1851 and 1853 two other baptisms were recorded. After eight or nine years spent in Mesopotamia, where Mrs. Stern’s health had greatly suffered from an attack of cholera, Stern was transferred to Constantinople in 1853.

There he found a larger and even more important sphere of work—totally different, as he had now to deal with Spanish instead of Eastern Jews. They were down-trodden and oppressed, and their pitiable state was not improved by the extensive conflagrations, which periodically devastated their quarter. Numbers, however, became enquirers, notwithstanding severe persecution, and some were baptized. The mission schools were well attended, and the medical mission, conducted by Dr. Leitner, did excellent service. Stern visited Adrianople, Salonica, and other towns with large Jewish populations.

The year 1856 was signalized by a visit to the Karaites and other Jews in the Crimea. At Baktchi-Serai, Stern was surrounded by Jews, “all anxious to buy Gospels,” and was the guest of the chief rabbi, who shewed him the cemetery of the Karaites—strangely called “The Valley of Jehoshaphat”—with its 40,000 sculptured tombs, and in which myriads more had been interred, to whose memory poverty or indifference had raised no monument. At Simpheropol, Stern preached in the synagogue and sold a number of New Testaments and Pentateuchs. On[482] one occasion he had the privilege of addressing British troops in their quarters in the Crimea.

Stern made a second journey in the same year—to Arabia.

The space at our command is totally inadequate to describe the incidents of that romantic and perilous journey, in the wake of Joseph Wolff who, just forty years before, had engaged in the same pioneer work. Stern had to take precautions for his safety, adopting native dress and passing as the “Dervish Abdallah.” At Safon, a beautiful mountain town, the report that a man who spoke Hebrew, and yet was no Jew, dressed like a Mohammedan and yet ignored the Koran, caused much sensation amongst the Jews, who flocked to see him, and to whom he preached in a synagogue. This was repeated at other places. At Sanaa he was occupied for twelve days, with very little rest at night, preaching to the multitudes who congregated wherever he went. The last day of his visit there he characterized as “the happiest of my life, the happiest of my missionary career.”

After a visit to England in 1857, Stern returned to Constantinople, taking up again the threads of his settled missionary work there.

In 1859 Stern embarked on the first of his most memorable journeys to Abyssinia. Mr. J. M. Flad had been working in that country as one of the “Pilgrim Missionaries” from St. Chrischona. More Christian labourers, however, were needed; and so Stern was despatched from Constantinople to found an English mission, if possible, amongst the Falashas[483]—some thousands of Jews dwelling in the highlands of the interior. Flad now joined Stern, and the two worked hand-in-hand together. The results of this preliminary visit were thus summed up by Stern, who, having accomplished his purpose, repaired to England in 1861:—”I visited, in company with Mr. Flad, the Bishop of Jerusalem’s Scripture Reader, upwards of thirty Falasha settlements, and saw the priests, and all those that could read, from more than fifty-five other places. The desire to obtain the Word of God exceeds all description; young and old, the man standing on the verge of the grave, and the youth just rushing into life’s happiest whirl, heedless and indifferent to the pain and difficulties of the road, followed us for days and days, till we yielded to their unwearied entreaties, and from our scanty stock supplied their communities with copies of the sacred volume.”

Speaking in Exeter Hall in May of the next year, Stern said, “During my stay in that country, I was amazed at the excitement created by our preaching through the various provinces we visited. Frequently, hundreds of Christians and Jews would meet together near our tent with the Word of God in their hands, converse and investigate those truths which we had been preaching.”

Flad and a fellow-labourer named Bronkhörst, who had joined him, continued to carry on the work with much success, and on July 21, 1861, the first fruits of the mission were gathered in, twenty-two Falashas receiving Holy Baptism. On August 4, nineteen [484] more were baptized. This encouraging success led to Stern going out again to Abyssinia in September, 1862, accompanied by Mr. and Mrs. Henry Rosenthal. We cannot follow the details of the work for the next two years, but must sum them up in Stern’s own words:—”We have in the course of two years, without being allowed to form a separate community, rescued a considerable number of Falashas from their unbelief, and nominally, but not virtually, united them as a living, active and spiritual element, to the dead Church of the Amharas. We have circulated about one thousand whole copies and portions of Scriptures; we have given an impulse to the study of the written vernacular; and we have stirred up a spirit of enquiry among Jews and Amharas, which must either terminate in a spontaneous reform, or lead (which is far more probable) to our expulsion and a relentless persecution.” The latter surmise proved to be only too true.

The following circumstances eventually led to the imprisonment of the missionaries. King Theodore had despatched to the Queen of England, by Consul Cameron, a letter, to which, from some strange reason, no reply was vouchsafed. A similar letter to Napoleon III. was indeed answered, but the verbal message accompanying it gave dire offence. Theodore resolved to be revenged on all Europeans, and to “humble the pride of Europe,” as he said, meaning England and France.

Some expressions in Stern’s book, “Wanderings among the Falashas in Abyssinia,” as to Theodore’s [485] humble origin, also gave offence to the dusky monarch. When Stern paid him a visit, in order to ask permission to return home, the opportunity thus offered for revenge was seized. Stern had with him two servants. The hour of the visit was unfortunately ill chosen, and his servants’ knowledge of Arabic so limited, as to render their mode of interpreting so offensive to the King, that he ordered them to be beaten,—an order so effectually obeyed, that they died in the night. Stern, unable to endure the scene, turned round, and in his nervousness bit his finger,—unaware, or forgetful, that such a gesture was in Abyssinia indicative of revenge. At first, the King seemed inclined to overlook the matter, but subsequently, urged on by those around him, Stern was struck down insensible, and, on recovery, bound hand to foot and consigned to prison.

For four and a-half years Stern remained a prisoner. It is impossible to describe his terrible sufferings and perilous position during that long protracted “period of heart-rending and heart-breaking martyrdom.”

Rosenthal was the next victim; subsequently Consul Cameron, Flad and his wife, Mrs. Rosenthal, Consul Rassam, Lieutenant Prideaux, Blanc, Kerans, and others, were in turn imprisoned. Flad was shortly afterwards released, in order to be sent to England on an embassy to Queen Victoria, his wife and children being held as hostages for his return.

The prisoners remained in captivity—with a slight interval of freedom in the spring of 1866—first in one place, then in another, and subsequently at Magdala [486]—until Easter, 1868. An English expeditionary force, under Sir Robert Napier, had arrived to effect their deliverance. In answer to the demand of the English General, and perhaps in order to propitiate him, Theodore ordered the release of his prisoners. This tardy act of justice did not save him. A battle was fought on Good Friday between the English army and the hosts of Theodore, who was decisively beaten. On Easter Monday the stronghold of Magdala was stormed and captured, and Theodore fell by his own hand. Most graphic accounts of these stirring days were sent home by Stern and Flad, the latter of whom prefaced his remarks with the appropriate words, “The Lord has turned our captivity: we are like unto them that dream. Our mouth is filled with laughter, and our tongue with praise. We say, The Lord has done great things for us! The Lord has done great things, whereof we are glad.”

The release of the missionaries by the military expedition sent out to vindicate the honour of the British nation, and to recover the person of its official representatives, was a wonderful answer to believing and persevering prayer. The missionaries returned to England in June, 1868; and, on July 3, a special meeting for prayer and thanksgiving was held at the Freemasons’ Hall, the Earl of Shaftesbury, K.G., in the chair, when all the released missionaries, with their wives, were present, and in a few words told of their wonderful deliverance, and the Almighty arm which had wrought it.

It may here be mentioned that though since 1869, no European missionary has been allowed in [487]Abyssinia, the London Society’s mission has never once been suspended, notwithstanding overwhelming odds and almost insuperable obstacles! Other missions have been given up for a time when dangers threatened—this has held on its way through the fostering care of Mr. J. M. Flad, who has supervised it from a distance, and the indomitable courage of the native missionaries. Like the early Christians, they have overcome by “the blood of the Lamb, and by the word of their testimony: and they loved not their lives unto the death” (Rev. xii. 11). Famine, war, bloodshed, imprisonment, ecclesiastical jealousy, civil strife, the Dervish invasion, the coming of the Italians, have been potent enemies—powerful enough to harass and to impede, but not to stop the work. Indeed, it has flourished beyond expectation, and, in spite of ignorance and want of freedom, the Gospel has spread amongst the Falashas, 2,000 of whom have been baptized.

We now come to the last period of Stern’s life (1870-1885) which, though free from stirring adventures and dangerous situations, was none the less active and full.

For some time after his return Stern was incessantly and altogether engaged in narrating his experiences to crowded audiences in every part of the country, who hung, with breathless interest, upon the terrible yet fascinating story of the Abyssinian mission. In subsequent years Stern could very rarely be persuaded to recount the horrors of the past. On one occasion, and that only, in response to[488] the persuasive entreaty of friends in a south-coast town, did he ever tell the wonderful story of his sufferings and achievements in that far-off land. Either the innate humility and modesty of the man, or painful memories, made it most distasteful to unlock the door of the past.

In 1870 Dr. Ewald resigned his work as senior missionary in London. It was no easy matter to find a man qualified to succeed him. Only one seemed possible, and that was Stern, whose health, undermined by his unparalleled sufferings in Abyssinia, no longer permitted him to serve the Society in the East. He was appointed Ewald’s successor from the 1st of January, 1871, and brought to his new sphere a ripe and unrivalled experience in Jewish missionary work, gained, as we have seen, in Persia, Turkey, Arabia, and Abyssinia; and an acquaintance with a dozen or more languages, an invaluable possession for a missionary in the metropolis, who has by personal intercourse and correspondence to deal with Jews of different nationalities. Though Stern missed in England the refined courtesy of the German, and the religious gravity of the Oriental Jew, and consequently those winning qualities which helped on friendly intercourse and mutual interchange of convictions between missionary and Jew, he yet found that most of the Jews in England were able to discuss religious questions calmly and dispassionately. The three chief means which Stern relied upon to win his way amongst the Jews were circulation of tracts, domiciliary visitation, and special sermons in[489] Spitalfields and Whitechapel. The last were highly successful. Jews attended in large numbers, attracted by the fame of the preacher, and the glowing and burning eloquence which flowed from his lips as he pointed them to the Messiah. An attendance of from 400 to 500 Jews was of frequent occurrence. A German prayer meeting was substituted for the service hitherto held on Friday evenings, in order to draw together some of the 2,000 proselytes, and numerous enquirers then in London. This paved the way for the establishment, later on, of the “Hebrew Christian Prayer Union.”

Thousands of Jews were addressed in public and in private, in streets, houses, shops, churches and mission halls.

A mission hall, situated in Whitechapel, was made a useful centre, where meetings on Saturdays and other days were generally well attended. There was a daily Bible Class held for Jews. Conversions and baptisms were numerous; but, as Stern said in 1876, when speaking of results, and his words are true for all time, and in every place as well as London:—”Conversions, however few or many they may be, are not the gauge by which the progress of mission work amongst the Jews can be ascertained. A man may be thoroughly convinced of the truth of the Gospel, and yet hesitate to take the final and decisive step. He may shrink from the persecution, the trials, the troubles, and the sacrifices a public profession of his faith would entail. Of course no one, who is truly concerned for his soul’s eternal welfare, should be[490] ashamed to avow his convictions. Nevertheless, a strong faith and ardent love are indispensably necessary to enable a catechumen to break through the ties of cherished affection and friendship for the Gospel’s sake. That all are not destitute of these heavenly gifts, ever-recurring instances testify. The greater majority, however, prefer to conceal their religious sentiments. They go to church, join in the services, and even contribute to missionary societies, and yet nominally profess to be Jews.”

Stern not only worked in London, but also held special services for Jews in many other towns. He combined with his mission work the supervision of the “Wanderers’ Home,” a most useful institution for the reception of converts and enquirers.

In 1874, on the thirtieth anniversary of his ordination, his Hebrew Christian and other friends presented him with a testimonial—a silver tea and coffee service—as a slight token of their esteem; and in 1881 the Archbishop of Canterbury conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Divinity. In 1884 he was elected a member of the Committee of the L.J.S., where his vast and varied experience was of the utmost use; and he was also elected an Associate of the Victoria Institute.

Stern’s work in London was carried on to the time of his death, which occurred, after much suffering, on May 13, 1885. The funeral service was held in the Episcopal Jews’ Chapel, Palestine Place, on May 18, in the presence of a large and sorrowing congregation, and his mortal remains laid to rest in Ilford Cemetery.[491] He was twice married: first, in 1850, to Miss Charlotte Elizabeth Purday, who died in 1874; and secondly, in 1883, to Miss Rebecca Goff, daughter of S. D. Goff, Esq., of Horetown, Co. Wexford.

As a preacher Stern was eloquence itself; as a writer he had a most charming and picturesque diction. His published journals and books, like those of Dr. Wolff, are full of the most romantic incidents of missionary experience. His published works were: “Dawning of Light in the East” (1854), being an account of his work in Persia, Kurdistan and Mesopotamia; “Wanderings amongst the Falashas in Abyssinia” (1862); and “The Captive Missionary” (1868), both narratives of his Abyssinian experiences.

That he was of the spirit of which martyrs are made, the following extracts from his letters, written during the long and dreary days of his captivity in Abyssinia, clearly demonstrate:—

“Thank God, in the midst of my troubles, cares and anxieties, I enjoy the profoundest calm and resignation. It is true there are days when the heart pulsates with gratitude and joy, and there are days when it throbs beneath the mortifying agonies of despondency. Sometimes I feel as if I could not endure another week the fetters which encircle my limbs, and confine me in painful inactivity to this desolate rock. Such rebellious sentiments I generally try to suppress, and if this is impossible, I seek comfort in the thought, that all is ordered in wisdom and infinite love. Our heavenly Father hath, no doubt, an object in this protracted captivity, and[492] when once the veil of mystery is lifted up, every incident and circumstance which hath wrung a prayer or extorted a groan from the grieved soul, will prove to have been in harmony with the designs of a gracious Providence, and fraught with inestimable blessings.”

And again, “Our nerves were horrible shattered, and our minds, too, would have been unhinged, had not religion, with her solacing influence, soothed the asperities and hardships of our existence. The Bible, prayers, and a morning and evening exposition of an appropriate passage were the exercises in which we regularly engaged. No bitter gibes, no harsh expressions, no unbecoming word characterised our intercourse; religion formed a wonderful bond of harmony, and when I looked on the devout countenances that there hung over the inspired page, as I commented on the selected text, I cherished the pleasing hope that the clouds, so big with wrath, had been charged with showers of everlasting mercy. At such a period—I say it solemnly—the punctured head, the riven side, the pierced feet, and the heavy cross of redeeming love, is a sight that nerves and supports the drooping and desponding spirit. In my distress and sorrow, I threw myself on the bosom of a sympathizing Saviour, and if I was not happy, I was at least resigned.”

No one can estimate the abundance of spiritual harvest from the long life of toil and labour which Stern spent to the honour and glory of his Master. He sowed in tears, he led captivity captive, he turned[493] many to righteousness, and of him it may confidently be said, that he will shine as a starfor ever and ever.[23]

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10 April 1985 Bill Currie and Rich Nichol on Messianic Judaism at LCJE Conference

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The Lasusanne Consultation on Jewish Evangelism -North America chapter – devoted time at its conference in Dallas for two papers on Messianic Judaism –  from William Currie of the American Messianic Fellowship (now “Life in Messiah”) and from Rich Nichol, Messianic Rabbi of Ruach Israel, Boston.

Currie’s paper reproduced the critical observations of the Missions movement, and Nichol’s stated the positions of the Union of Messianic Jewish Congregations (UMJC). The papers make interesting reading today. Currie’s objections still hold, to some extent, but the perspective has broadened, and over the last 30 years more tolerance and understanding has developed. Nichol’s paper gives an apologia for Messianic Judaism, but again, after thirty years, the theological rationale and the contours of the movement – its diversity, breadth of theological positions, and engagement with both Jewish and Christian communities, have deepened.

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The LCJE was and still is a forum for those interested in evangelism among the Jewish people. The present LCJE -North America conference in Vancouver is tackling issues of Reconciliation in Israel/Palestine, also from a Jewish missions perspective. Some of those attending were present at the 1985 meeting – it would be interesting to see how their views have changed.

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Prayer: Thank you, Lord, for the work of the LCJE, in bringing together those interested in evangelism and Messianic Judaism, to discuss, reflect and pray. Help us to see the issues clearly today, and seek unity in the Messiah, among his people Israel, and all nations. In Yeshua’s name we pray. Amen.

Rev. William E. “Bill” Currie, 72, of Highland, Ind., a former instructor at Moody Bible Institute in Chicago and for 12 years pastor of Cicero Bible Church, died Monday, July 10, of heart failure in Munster Community Hospital in Munster, Ind., said his wife, Swantina “Swannee” Currie.

Rev. Currie was general director of American Messianic Fellowship International from 1975-89, and he remained a missionary for the organization for the past 10 years, making annual trips to Israel. Rev. Currie was born outside Windsor, Ontario, and was raised in Detroit. He joined the Navy in 1945 and served for 15 months, primarily sweeping mines in the Mediterranean. In 1949, he earned a history degree from Houghton College in New York, where he met his wife, a Chicago native, and was pastor of his first church, in Mt. Morris, N.Y., during his senior year.

After earning his master of theology degree from Dallas Theological Seminary in 1954, Rev. Currie moved his family to western Michigan, where he was pastor of two churches and also taught theology and Bible studies. In 1959, they moved to Riverside when Rev. Currie became pastor of Cicero Bible Church. He taught in a non-faculty position at Moody Bible Institute from 1960-81. In 1971, they moved to Highland, Ind.. Rev. Currie served on the American Messianic Fellowship International board from 1960 until his death.

During his life, Rev. Currie made at least five international ministry trips to countries such as Mexico, Kenya, Japan, Russia, Singapore and India.

http://lcje.net/IndexofPapers1985.html

http://www.lifeinmessiah.org/about/

http://lcje.net/papers/1985/Currie.pdf

http://lcje.net/papers/1985/Nichol.pdf

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9 April 1945 Execution of Dietrich Bonhoeffer for his resistance to Hitler and protection of Jews #otdimjh

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Who stands firm? Only the one for whom the final standard is not his reason, his principles, his conscience, his freedom, his virtue, but who is ready to sacrifice all these, when in faith and sole allegiance to God he is called to obedient and responsible action: the responsible person, whose life will be nothing but an answer to God’s question and call. (Dietrich Bonhoeffer)

dietrich-bonhoeffer

From the Jewish Virtual Library

Protestant theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer stands out among the Christian leaders during the Nazi era, for he was one of the few to actively resist the racist actions of the Nazi regime. In addition to his legacy of courageous opposition to Nazism, Bonhoeffer’s theological writings are still widely read in Christian communities throughout the world.

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Education

Dietrich Bonhoeffer was the sixth child of Karl and Paula Bonhoeffer, born in Breslau, Germany, on February 4, 1906. He completed his studies in Tübingen and Berlin. In 1928, he served as vicar in the German parish in Barcelona; and in 1930, he completed his theological examinations at Union Seminary in New York. During this period, he became active in the ecumenical movement and accumulated international contacts that would later aid his efforts in the resistance.

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In 1931, Bonhoeffer took a teaching position with the theological faculty in Berlin. There he produced many of his theological writings, in which he took a traditional viewpoint in Jewish-Christian relations, believing that the Jewish people must ultimately accept Jesus as the Messiah. This theological work greatly increased his prominence in the Christian German community.

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Hitler Rises to Power

After years of political instability under the Weimar republic, most Christian institutions were relieved with the ascent of the nationalistic Nazi dictatorship. The German Evangelical Church, the foremost Protestant church in Germany, welcomed Hitler’s government in 1933. Dietrich Bonhoeffer, however, although a member of the German Evangelical Church, was not complacent. In his April 1933 essay, “The Church and the Jewish Question”, he assailed Nazi state persecution.

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Bonhoeffer’s defense of the Jews, however, was based on Christian supersessionism – the Christian belief that Christianity had superseded Judaism as the new chosen people of God. Despite his outspoken defense of victims of Nazi persecution, Bonhoeffer still maintained, on a religious level, that the “Jewish question” would ultimately be solved through Jewish conversion to Christianity. The Church strongly advocated this view, as did the ecumenical movements most responsible for aiding Jewish refugees fleeing Nazism.

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In “The Church and the Jewish Question” (1933), Bonhoeffer pledged to fight political injustice. The Nazi injustice must not go unquestioned, and the victims of this injustice must not go unaided, regardless of their religion, Bonhoeffer wrote.

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Die Kirche vor der Judenfrage, erste Seite des Manuskripts Quelle: Bildbiografie Dietrich Bonhoeffer. Bilder aus seinem Leben, herausgegeben von Eberhard Bethge, Renate Bethge und Christian Gremmels, © Gütersloher Verlagshaus GmbH, Gütersloh 2005

With Hitler’s ascent, non-Aryans were prohibited from taking parish posts, and when Bonhoeffer was offered such a post in the fall of 1933, he refused it in protest of the racist policy. Disheartened by the German Church’s complacency with the Nazi regime, he decided to accept a position at a German-speaking congregation in London.

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The opponents of Nazi interference in Church affairs formed the “Confessing Church,” and some members, including Bonhoeffer, advocated open resistance against Nazism. The more moderate Protestants made what they saw as necessary compromises to retain their clerical authority despite expanding Nazi control. But under increasing Gestapo scrutiny, the Confessing Church was soon immobilized.

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Bonhoeffer returned to Germany to teach at Finkenwalde, a Confessing Church seminary, where he continued to train clergy for the Confessing Church. But the official church barred his students from taking its clerical posts. In August 1937, the regime announced the Himmler Decree, which declared the training and examination of Confessing ministry candidates illegal. Finkenwalde was closed in September 1937; some of Bonhoeffer’s students were arrested.

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Resistance

Bonhoeffer went into hiding for the next two years; he traveled secretly from one eastern German village to another to help his students in their small illegal parishes. In January 1938, he was banned from Berlin, and in September 1940, he was forbidden to speak in public.

In the midst of political turmoil, Bonhoeffer continued to question the proper role of a Christian in Nazi Germany. When German synagogues and Jewish businesses were burned and demolished on Kristallnacht, November 9, 1938, Bonhoeffer immediately left for Berlin, despite having been banned by the Gestapo, to investigate the destruction. After his return, when his students were discussing the theological significance of Kristallnacht, Bonhoeffer rejected the theory that Kristallnacht had resulted from “the curse which had haunted the Jews since Jesus’ death on the cross.” Instead, Bonhoeffer called the pogrom an example of the “sheer violence” of Nazism’s “godless face.”

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The Confessing Church resistance expanded its efforts to help “non-Aryan” refugees leave the country. One member of the resistance movement was the passionate anti-Nazi, Hans von Dohnanyi, a lawyer married to Bonhoeffer’s sister. In early 1939, Dohnanyi was transferred from the Justice Department to the Armed Forces High Command Office of Military Intelligence, and used his new post to inform Bonhoeffer that war was imminent. Bonhoeffer, knowing that he would never fight in Hitler’s army, left the country in June 1939 for a teaching position at Union Seminary in New York.

But upon arrival in the United States, Bonhoeffer realized that he had been mistaken, that if he did not lead his people during the difficult years of war and turmoil, then he could not partake in the postwar revival of German Christan life. His place, he decided, was in Germany; he returned only a month after his departure, in July 1939. He undertook a more active effort to undermine the regime. With international contacts in the ecumenical movement, he became a crucial leader in the German underground movement.

In October 1940, despite previous Gestapo tracking, Bonhoeffer gained employment as an agent for Hans von Dohnanyi’s Office of Military Intelligence, supposedly working for the expansion of Nazism. In reality, he worked for the expansion of the anti-Nazi resistance. During his 1941 and 1942 visits to Italy, Switzerland, and the Scandinavian countries, he attempted to gain foreign support for the resistance movement.

Arrest

While plans to topple Hitler progressed only slowly, the need to evacuate more Jewish refugees became increasingly urgent. In early 1943, however, the Gestapo, which had traced Bonhoeffer and Dohnanyi’s large monetary sums intended for Jewish immigrants, foiled plans for a new refugee rescue mission. Bonhoeffer and Dohnanyi were arrested in April 1943.

Initially, the Gestapo believed that Bonhoeffer and Dohnanyi were embezzling money for their own interests. Then the truth began to leak out, and Bonhoeffer was subsequently charged with conspiring to rescue Jews, using official travel for other interests, and abusing his intelligence position to keep Confessing Church pastors out of the military. But the extent of Bonhoeffer’s resistance activities was not fully realized for months.

In October 1944, Bonhoeffer was moved to the Gestapo prison in Berlin. In February 1945, he was taken to the Buchenwald concentration camp, and then to the Flossenbürg concentration camp, where he was hanged on April 9, 1945. Hans von Dohnanyi was executed soon thereafter.

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One Jewish Christian who worked closely with Bonhoeffer, and was helped by him and Karl Barth to escape to Switzerland, was Charlotte Friedenthal.

She was a Jewish evangelical Christian, one of the most active and persistent members of the Confessing Church in Berlin and the driving force behind many social, charitable and theological initiatives. A close colleague of the Spandau Superintendent Martin Albertz, a man of integrity and thoroughness, she acted more or less as the “business manager” for the directors of the Confessing Church. In the autumn of 1941, there was reason to fear she would be deported.

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At the intervention of Bonhoeffer, among others, it proved possible through Swiss “church channels,” especially at the request of Karl Barth, to provide her with a visa for travel abroad. In the meantime, however, a law was enacted that forbade Jewish persons top leave Germany for any reason whatever, so her visa became useless. From the beginning of 1942, she was compelled to live in a “Jew House”, and to expect deportation as inevitable. At Bonhoeffer’s request, she was placed under military protection by Hans von Dohnanyi, and that enabled her name to be stricken more than once from the “orderly list” of those deported.

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Then they devised and set in motion a hazardous plan, called “Operation Seven” to make it possible for her and six others to leave Germany “legally” via Switzerland to South America as “V-agents of military intelligence.” In all, fourteen Jews were rescued from the jaws of genocide between September 29 and mid-December 1942, and Bonhoeffer’s intermediation was decisive for one of them, namely Charlotte Friedenthal. Both Hans von Dohnanyi and Dietrich Bonhoeffer were arrested the following year, on April 5, 1943 and executed on April 9, 1945 in two separate camps.

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Prayer: Thank you, Lord, for this amazing example of courage, faith and self-sacrifice. Help us to learn from Bonhoeffer’s life and teaching, and follow in his example today. In Yeshua’s name we pray. Amen

http://nurjaya.com/full/stream.php?id=106813

http://www.biblicalstudies.org.uk/pdf/churchman/053-04_210.pdf

http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2012/oct/25/tragedy-dietrich-bonhoeffer-and-hans-von-dohnanyi/

http://www.landesbischof-meiser.de/downloads/Hilfe.pdf

München im Netzwerk der Hilfe für „nichtarische“ Christen (1938 – 1941) Schriftliche Hausarbeit zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades eines Magister Artium

http://www.dorothee-fliess-fond.de/images/stories/Artikel/faz%20wm%20u7-2.pdf

http://www.tagesspiegel.de/berlin/bezirke/zehlendorf/stille-helden-zehlendorfs-teil-7-der-serie-das-wunder-des-unternehmen-sieben/10109984.html

https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=J0mtAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA128&lpg=PA128&dq=operation+7+Charlotte+Friedenthal&source=bl&ots=RyronXxl4-&sig=fGr7Bg1P8csnXZTHFEGs_bzU2Jk&hl=en&sa=X&ei=P2QlVZuMB87raPTCgOgE&ved=0CCQQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=operation%207%20Charlotte%20Friedenthal&f=false

http://www.israelinprophecy.org/wiki/pmwiki.php/Resources/Biographies

EXPLORATIONS AND RESPONSES: BIGOTRY AGAINST BONHOEFFER IN JERUSALEM By Stephen A. Wise and Balfour Brickner

http://www.ushmm.org/information/exhibitions/online-features/special-focus/dietrich-bonhoeffer/resistance-and-execution

Reasons for Bonhoeffer’s acceptances as a ‘Righteous Gentile” at Yad Vashem:

Risk 1: Operation 7, which smuggled into Switzerland a group of Jews that included Charlotte Friedenthal. Paldiel stated: “There can be no doubt that Bonhoeffer played a part in her rescue.” That, alone, should warrant recognition. But he trivialized it by asserting that: “Bonhoeffer’s role was in referring her to Dohnanyi, but he was not personally involved in this rescue operation.”

      That is patently false. Not only does it fly in the face of Paldiel’s own statement in his aforementioned speech at the Holocaust Museum that “all who participated in this operation may also qualify for the Righteous title” (emphais added), but it was Bonhoeffer who secretly used his theological contacts—-the Rev. D. Koechlin, the head of the Swiss Protestant Churches, and famed theologian Karl Barth in Basel—-to have the Swiss police not block the refugees’ entry into Switzerland (as established by a letter found in Barth’s files stating that Bonhoeffer was “requesting support to the utmost . . . The danger for those concerned is very real.”).

      Bonhoeffer’s participation in this rescue was further proved by an affidavit from Ms. Friedenthal’s niece, Julie Friedenthal Baxter, quoting her aunt’s diary statement: “Pastor Dietrich Bonhoeffer, his brother-in-law v. Dohnanyi, and others are the ones who, humanly speaking, saved me from the concentration camp.”

      In seven other detailed instances, Bonhoeffer risked himself to help Jews.

 

http://bonhoeffer-redux.org/JES%20Article.htm

 

http://www.tagesspiegel.de/berlin/bezirke/zehlendorf/stille-helden-zehlendorfs-teil-7-der-serie-das-wunder-des-unternehmen-sieben/10109984.html
Charlotte Friedenthal (1892 – 1973) was born in Breslau, where he was welfare worker. Since it was in spite of their Protestant faith under the Nazis as a Jew, she lost her position and moved to Berlin. Along with Marga Meusel she tried to move the Inner Mission to a “Christian Aid Office for non-Aryans” set and win the head of the Bethel institutions Friedrich von Bodelschwingh for this concern. Charlotte Friedenthal therefore wrote him a letter haunting and put their plight and that of their fellow sufferers to the heart, which they call “from his own experience” knew.Bodelschwingh said because of “overload” from.

In 1940 she had packed her bags, because you seemed dicey location

Also by this initiative came close contact between Charlotte Friedenthal and Superintendent Albertz, who entrusted her with ever more tasks so that it was for him one of the most important employees. As of March 2, 1936, she was officially his secretary for many years again a paid post. Her duties on behalf of the church leadership belonged also to establish contacts with foreign organizations and ecumenism. To the contact partners included Adolf Keller in Geneva, Bischoff George Bell, Chichester (England) and his sister in law Laura Livingstone in London. From 1939, she was a “personal secretary” of Superintendent Albertz the General Secretary of church leadership (2.VKL) and lived from 1939 almost continuously in the Ihnestraße, although it was officially reported in a “Jewish house” in Hindenburgdamm. On 8 November 1940, she deposited two suitcases of the most up to Ihnestraße because you appeared capable of getting bleaker. And after the arrest of Albertz 1941, she led along with the few remaining employees in freedom of Albertz as pastor Rott the affairs of the church leadership provisionally on. In the memoirs of Wilhelm Rott, their daughter Bettina Rott has published in 2007, it’s the source reference to Eberhard Bethge to the VKL Office of Wilhelm Rott, that it belongs “to the few organs of the Confessing Church, which still works.

Enlarge imageRott pastor at office Ihnestraße 51st – PHOTO: BETTINA ROTT

For the church leadership, they also came with the two lawyers Julius Fliess and Fritz Werner Arnold in contact that were considered Jews under the Nazis and from 1938 could be active only as “consultants”.Arnold was from 1938 as a legal advisor to the “Office Griiber” which sought to (Auswander) help and support of non-Aryan Protestant Christians, active. He had in his previous efforts to maintain heavy war-wounded Jewish lawyers work opportunities, the Ministry of Justice Hans von Dohnanyi, the brother of Dietrich Bonhoeffer, met, who was office manager Minister of Justice and in his later work in Ausland / Abwehr OKW ( Official Canaris) contact with Arnold stopped him and finally under the so-called “business Seven” allowed to emigrate to Switzerland. Arnold was also the one who for Dohnanyi and Canaris held the necessary contacts with those who should come up with the list of “agents” of the company Seven. About him the collation of all necessary personal papers ran. Gerhard Maria knew of these efforts and said: “I remember that Dr. Arnold has negotiated a great deal with Rott and the others. We had to remain ignorant as possible. That’s why they have many also not told us. ”

For the transport of the papers and documents the niece of Mary Gerhard was without knowing exactly “on duty”, what it was once. As a 15-year-old schoolgirl transported them in her bag the documents of the Ihnestraße in the office of Dr. Arnold in the Ludwigkirchstraße in Wilmersdorf. The inconspicuous been possible with the subway. You knew this important service on 16/09. 1942 to bring the final papers to Dr. Arnold, who with the other at 29.09. Left Berlin.

 Charlotte Friedenthal was under the protection of Dietrich Bonhoeffer

Through this company and Charlotte Friedenthal was rescued after other intensive efforts had indeed led to an entry visa in Switzerland, but they were stopped by a decree of Himmler dated 10/23/1941, is to be prevented by the “emigration of Jews with immediate effect. “Dietrich Bonhoeffer was Charlotte Friedenthal know in Ihnestraße and appreciate and they commended the protection of his brother and the Office Ausland / Abwehr end of 1941. Winfried Meyer describes in detail in his book, the life of Charlotte Friedenthal and stages in their salvation (p 70ff). This book are also cited reports of Gerhard Maria on the Ihnestraße 51 removed, the Winfried Meyer had interviewed in their new home in Lower Saxony in 1986.

Enlarge imageFrom the train station pickup Charlotte Friedenthal emigrated to Switzerland. – PHOTO: NATIONAL ARCHIVES BERLIN, 233042

Gerhard Maria describes in the interview, the departure of Charlotte Friedenthal, held their entry permit for Switzerland the day before expiration:

“On 09.04.1942 the exit to Basel in Switzerland took place. … Before leaving, we asked ourselves then always: Will it work, it will not work? Then suddenly it was: it’s time. She drove the pickup from the train station, and as I sat killed her. ”

As we came to the station and we found it a sudden, should now travel with star or without it. She came over so legally, had her ticket.Since then I said: You, Lotte, as now we do it because with your star when you arrive there on the German side in Basel as non-Aryan, you do not know what happened then. I remember that I called from the station at Rott and Bonhoeffer and asked what we should do. She then hides the star something under his coat collar and sat down in the compartment on the mantle. So, it was up to the last moment always things that could be dangerous for them. I have it set in her third-class compartment and we then adopted as the other people too who had brought someone on the web. The train went according to plan. Then went across the border everything is normal, the papers she had, she did not have to worry about anything, it was so special papers necessary for all eventualities. ”

Enlarge imageAt the German Railway Station should arrive in Basel Charlotte Friedenthal put their star – what a moment. – PHOTO: WWW.LOOK-BACH.CH

Enlarge imageThe Diary of Charlotte Friedenthal. – PHOTO: HARTMUT LUDWIG

Winfried Meyer cites in his book, the diary of Charlotte Friedenthal of the train trip to Basel: “The fullness of the train decreases from Karlsruhe, of Freiburg are only a few travelers available. The sun shines through the window of my compartment, in which I find myself alone. … In Weil a. Rh., Last stop before Basel, passport control. Everything OK. Identification card and travel certificate shall be taken from me. … At about 12 clock, with about an hour late, the limit is exceeded. On the (DRB) Bahnhof I follow the few travelers. 10 RM changes to the Bank in francs. An old Porter offers me his help and show me the different stations to be passed. Passport and currency control in order. Customs, and medical. Luggage inspection. I forget completely or not to notice that I’m on Swiss soil. Two officers make me very kindly pointed out that I can put the star. What a moment !!! A Swiss official smiles at me and says, but you’re a lucky man! That’s a miracle! “(P 304)

Enlarge imageCharlotte Friedenthal wrote in exile a memorandum, which is not allowed to appear under her name even after 1945. – PHOTO: WINFRIED MEYER

Charlotte Friedenthal had to stay in Basel during the war and was allowed after overcoming considerable difficulties occasionally work “pure science” for the Ecumenical Council of Churches in Geneva, among others, a memorandum under the title: The Evangelical Church in Germany and the Jewish question, but because the strict prohibition of operating the Swiss authorities themselves in 1945 is not allowed to appear under her name.

The other “agents” of the company Seven, including Fritz Werner Arnold with his family and also Anne Marie Conzen and her daughters from the Altvater street in Schlachtensee, who lived in the neighborhood of Canaris and also knew Maria Gerhard and frequently visited (and later) left on September 29, 1942 in Berlin and arrived safely in Switzerland. They were accompanied by an intelligence officer, the departure described as follows: “In Lörrach, however, an SD Zugstreife wanted to make trouble, continue onward journey, since they wore the yellow star on their clothes. But thanks to my ID and my corresponding energetic occurrence, we continued the journey to the Swiss border. ” (p 311f)

Enlarge imageAnnemarie Conzen fled with her ​​daughters from Berlin to Switzerland. – PHOTO: WINFRID MEYER

Anne Marie Conzen was twice in Berlin and lived each with Maria Gerhard and Charlotte Friedenthal in the Ihnestraße 51. In the book of the “House Gerhard” she describes her time there as saying after the Nazi era: “The two love residents of Ihnestraße applies my thanks. Lotte, the loyal friend of the spent together Basel emigration time, and Miss Gerhard, so housewifely cared for me in the 14 days of my stay in Berlin. 60. The fact that in this time Lotte’s birthday (= 1.12.) Fell and it was the first Christmas season in ice and snow and umbrella after three years of Argentine summer weeks of December, gives these days for me or a special shine! I leave with a sad heart, and with the safe located in the far distance desire to be able to come back again. ”

Enlarge imageGerhard Maria (left) and Charlotte Friedenthal (right) in the garden Ihnestraße to the 1950s. – PHOTO: IRMELA PRIEPKE

And 1960, she wears a “My written seven years ago wish to be allowed to recur is come true. An incomparably beautiful and peaceful Christmas I was able to celebrate with Lotte and Maria Gerhard. In the nearly three weeks of my stay I experienced a bit of serious history of the divided city of Berlin, but stronger than the sadness of political events lights in my mind the loyalty and friendship, which I received in the hospitable home in the Ihnestraße. I am leaving in great gratitude that I was given this beautiful time. ”

Maria Gerhard and Charlotte Friedenthal were people who let things get, despite all the trials and threats not have living consciously in their time, who visited with their guests theater, concerts and museums in Berlin, who actively participated in the Berlin church days and the Dahlem church life participated and still rested in itself. Keep alive the memory of them, I would like to encourage all readers to the heart.

EXPLORATIONS AND RESPONSES

BIGOTRY AGAINST BONHOEFFER IN JERUSALEM

 

By Stephen A. Wise and Balfour Brickner

http://www.ushmm.org/information/exhibitions/online-features/special-focus/dietrich-bonhoeffer/resistance-and-execution

Even before the war, German opponents of Hitler had considered overthrowing the Nazi regime; the first unrealized plan to overthrow Hitler was during the Sudeten crisis in 1938. A successful coup, however, depended upon the support of key German military figures; their readiness to take such risks diminished with the German victories in Poland and on the western front. This was maddening to civilian conspirators like Dohnanyi, who distrusted the military leaders and condemned their reluctance to move decisively against Hitler.

German resistance groups hoped to convince their Allied contacts of their seriousness and win foreign support for the overthrow of the Nazi regime. In October 1940, Dietrich Bonhoeffer began work as an agent for Military Intelligence, supposedly using his ecumenical contacts to help the cause of the Reich.

In reality, he used his contacts to spread information about the resistance movement. In trips to Italy, Switzerland, and Scandinavia in 1941 and 1942, he informed them of resistance activities and tried, in turn, to gain foreign support for the German resistance.

Dohnanyi and others put great hopes in Bonhoeffer’s foreign contacts, particularly in Bishop George Bell’s ability to carry messages to the high levels of British government. In turn, Bonhoeffer tried to convince his foreign contacts that some Allied signal of support for the German conspiracy was crucial, since only this would convince the German military to move against Hitler.

The Allied governments greeted these peace feelers with distrust. The military members of the resistance wanted guarantees of German territorial integrity and of their own position as leaders of a postwar Germany. Allied diplomats and leaders found this demand unacceptable, and never seriously considered support for a German coup. In January 1943, Churchill and Roosevelt announced that only the unconditional military defeat of Germany would eradicate Nazism.

Despite these rebuffs, the conspirators continued to plan Hitler’s downfall. But, as prospects for an early coup dimmed, some also searched for ways to help the victims of Nazism. On September 5, 1941, all Jews in the Reich were ordered to wear the yellow star; the first deportations to the East from Berlin occurred on October 15. On October 17 or 18, Bonhoeffer and Friedrich Perels, a Confessing Church lawyer, wrote a memo giving details of these first deportations. 17 The memo was sent to trusted German military officials in the hope that it might move them to action, as well as to ecumenical contacts and the US State Department.

In Dohnanyi’s office, a plan was conceived to get Jews out of Germany by giving them papers as foreign agents. The plan was not that far-fetched: in several cases, Nazi intelligence offices had used Jewish agents as a cover. There was also a steady underground business that helped Jews emigrate in exchange for large sums of money.

The Dohnanyi/Canaris effort, termed “Operation Seven,” eventually spirited fourteen Jews out to Switzerland (eleven had converted to Christianity; three had not). 18 Bonhoeffer used his ecumenical contacts to arrange visas and sponsors for the group. 19 At his instigation, one of those rescued was Charlotte Friedenthal, who had worked with Marga Meusel and with the Grüber office.

Friedenthal reached Switzerland in August 1942; the others arrived in September. Dohnanyi’s office immediately began plans for a new rescue attempt; before anything could come of these, the Gestapo traced the vast amounts of money that the conspirators had sent abroad for the emigrants. The arrests of Dohnanyi and Bonhoeffer followed in April 1943.

Initially, the Gestapo treated it as a corruption case, accusing Dohnanyi and his colleagues of lining their own pockets. They soon realized, however, that the rescue attempt was the tip of a larger iceberg. Bonhoeffer was charged with conspiring to rescue Jews; of using his travels abroad for non-intelligence matters; and of misusing his intelligence position to keep Confessing Church pastors out of the military and for his own ecumenical work.

The Gestapo report on Bonhoeffer described him as “completely in the opposition.” 20 Still, even after the failure of the July 20, 1944, attempt to kill Hitler, it was months before the Nazis realized the extent of Bonhoeffer’s involvement in resistance circles.

In October 1944, Bonhoeffer was moved to the dreaded Gestapo prison in Berlin; in February 1945, he was taken to Buchenwald. He was then moved to the Flossenbürg concentration camp where, on April 9, he was hanged, together with Canaris, Oster, and other conspirators. Hans von Dohnanyi and Klaus Bonhoeffer were executed days later.

The SS doctor who witnessed Bonhoeffer’s death later recalled a man “devout . . . brave and composed. His death ensued after a few seconds . . . I have hardly ever seen a man die so entirely submissive to the will of God.” Bonhoeffer sent one final message, to George Bell in England: “This is the end, for me the beginning of life.” 21

17 Bonhoeffer, Gesammelte Schriften, Vol. II, 640–643. [Back to text]

18 Winfried Meyer, Unternehmen Sieben: Eine Rettungsaktion. Frankfurt a. Main: Verlag Anton Hain, 1993, page 24. Meyer’s book is the most detailed account of Operation Seven and Bonhoeffer’s involvement in it. [Back to text]

19 Ibid., pp. 120-121, 306–335. [Back to text]

20 Jacobsen, H. A. Spiegelbild einer Verschwörung. Die Opposition gegen Hitler und der Staatsstreich vom 20. Juli 1944 in der SD-Berichterstattung. Vol. I. (Stuttgart: Degerloch), 508. [Back to text]

21 Bethge, Op. Cit., 1037–1038. [Back to text]

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8 April 1927 “The Christian Approach to the Jew” Conferences in Warsaw and Budapest #otdimjh

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90 years ago an important conference on Jewish evangelism was held in Budapest. Indeed two important conferences were held in 1927: one in Budapest (April 7-13) and one in (April 19-25). Kai Kjaer-Hansen gives some glimpses from them.

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“The Eighth International Jewish Missionary Conference was held in Stockholm in 1911. The next in Hamburg in 1914. These conferences were hosted by different Jewish mission societies. The conferences one in Budapest and one in Warsaw in 1927 were arranged, and supported, by the International Missionary Council, whose chairman was the prominent Dr John R. Mott from the USA. He was president for the two conferences.

Each of the conferences had just under 100 participants. Some people attended both conferences….

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If we deduce the repeat participants, the number of individuals then roughly corresponds to the number gathered here in 2007, when we are a little over 160 participants. A number of “Jewish Christians” or “Hebrew Christians” attended….

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Before they met in Budapest and Warsaw, several years of preparatory work had preceded. 18 months before the conference a detailed questionnaire was prepared and sent out. When the replies were received “a digest of the information was skilfully drafted” and, even more, “and when published was distributed to every delegate.” This was before the meeting. Impressive! And I who, till now, have been proud that all papers at our conferences are distributed each night – the same day they are delivered!

Arnold Frank of Hamburg

Arnold Frank of Hamburg

“Answers to Questionnaire” are divided in 11 theme groups. In the report after the Budapest meeting there are nine topics.

  • Evangelisation and Message
  • Christian Education
  • Medical Missions, Philanthropy and Community Centres
  • Christian Literature
  • Occupation of the Field
  • Training and Welfare of Workers
  • Spiritual Power
  • Co-operation
  • Work among Jewish Women

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At the plenary sessions the topics were presented and then a general discussion followed. Next the delegates were allotted in fairly equal numbers to various “Findings Committees.” After that the themes were discussed again at plenary sessions and the result was published as “Findings” in the official report The Christian Approach to the Jew, which appeared, well – in 1927.

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Resolution on the International Hebrew Christian Alliance

Alan Brockway reports:

Following the 1910 Edinburgh missionary conference, the International Missionary Council (IMC) was founded in 1921. It established established study centers in various parts of the world that related to the major world religions, specifically Buddhism (Ceylon, Burma), Islam (India, Jordan), and Hinduism (India). But the IMC as such had done nothing at all about evangelizing Jews. Nevertheless, “British friends insisted that the International Missionary Council…must at some early date face the question of Jewish missions.”

And thus it was that a resolution adopted by the IMC at its meeting in Oxford in 1923 set in motion what was to be a series of extraordinary conferences:

“That, having regard to the opportunities in the present situation throughout the world for the evangelisation of the Jews, and of the impossibility of dealing adequately with this subject in the projected series of Conferences in the Near East organized mainly to deal with Moslem problems, the International Missionary Council would welcome, and assist in, a series of field conferences in various areas for the advancement of missionary work among Jews, provided the Committee of the Conference of British Societies working among the Jews after consultation with the other societies in Europe and America, considers the time is opportune….”

“The Committee of the Council learns with satisfaction that in accordance with the suggestion made by the Council at its Oxford meeting, arrangements have been initiated by the Committee on Work among Jews of the Conference of British Missionary Societies in consultation with other societies in Europe and America, for holding, at Budapest and Warsaw respectively before and after Easter 1927, two conferences to be under the auspices of the International Missionary Council. The Committee is glad to learn that Dr. Mott, Chairman of the Council, will be able to preside at these conferences….”

Alan Brockway notes: That these conferences were instigated by the British societies should come as no surprise because concern for Jews was preeminently a British interest. But it is evidence of the strategic importance of meeting where Jews actually lived that they should have been held, not in Britain, but in two Jewish population centers of central Europe: Hungary and Poland.

These two conferences, held within weeks of each other in April 1927 on the theme, “The Christian Approach to the Jew” (along with the follow-up North American conference on the same theme held in 1931 at Atlantic City, New Jersey), developed both the theology and the methodology of the Jewish mission that was to prevail in the IMC for the next thirty or so years. They are, therefore, well worth extended examination.

Budapest and Warsaw, 1927

In his introductory essay to the report of the conferences (which was published almost immediately at their conclusion), Rev. James M. Black, minister of United Free St. George’s Church, Edinburgh, painted a picture of the Jewish world of the day, and the opportunities for evangelism. The reports, published in the famous blue book, contain up-to-date statistics on the world Jewish populations, lists of organisations working among Jewish people, essays on particular aspects such as of training, medical missions, spiritual life, types of Jewish life, current trends, literature and resources, resolutions made at the conferences, and a special acknowledgment and welcome of the newly formed International Hebrew Christian Alliance (1925).

There is a sense of optimism, organisation and co-operation in the report. It represented the high water-mark of Jewish missions from the 19th century, with little awareness of the terrible changes that were about to overtake Europe and the Jewish people (although a section on the Jews in Russian highlights anti-Semitism). All the major organisations and individuals were present. But the almost triumphalistic note struck by the conferences was misplaced, as Europe would descend into chaos again in the 1930s.

Prayer and reflection: We see the 1927 conferences through the lens of history, as they present a the historic snapshot of the Jewish world, and of the Jewish missions movement. Similarly today we try to organise and co-ordinate our efforts, but it is only in the providence and provision of the Almighty that any blessing of our work results. You alone, O God, are Lord of history, and to you alone belongs glory. In Yeshua’s name we pray, for your people Israel, for blessing, peace and knowledge of Yeshua. Amen.

Lev Gillet’s Criticism of the Conferences:

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The conference on Jewish evangelism in Budapest 1927
Kai Kjær-Hansen, International Coordinator of LCJE

80 years ago an important conference on Jewish evangelism was held in Budapest. Indeed two important conferences were held in 1927: one in Budapest (April 7-13) and one in (April 19-25). In this paper I will give some glimpses from them.

The Eighth International Jewish Missionary Conference was held in Stockholm in 1911. The next in Hamburg in 1914. These conferences were hosted by different Jewish mission societies. The conferences one in Budapest and one in Warsaw in 1927 were arranged, and supported, by the International Missionary Council, whose chairman was the prominent Dr John R. Mott from the USA. He was president for the two conferences.

Each of the conferences had just under 100 participants. Some people attended both conferences. If we deduce the repeat participants, the number of individuals then roughly corresponds to the number gathered here in 2007, when we are a little over 160 participants. A number of “Jewish Christians” or “Hebrew Christians” attended. Neither now or in my other contributions here at the conference about Jewish believers in the past will I engage in a terminological criticism or assessment of designations used about Jesus-believing Jews; nor when they are called “converts” and also not when the term the Jewish “race” is used. Terminologies need to be assessed in their context. And new historical contexts can give a word a new content, and sometimes make use of it impossible.

A professionally planned conference for professional mission leaders

I have found a photo of the participants in the Budapest conference. It would be tempting to dwell on the photo and the list of participants, for there were many interesting individuals. But I would never get finished if I did that. And I have, like all other speakers, an allotted time to observe. By the way, listen to how they dealt with this issue in 1927:

“No speech was allowed to exceed five minutes, with the exception of the leader who introduced each special topic; and, as Mr Basil Mathew remarked, ‘Those who were more succinct were more popular’.” Here at Lake Balaton we are also very strict. There is no mercy: speakers have to stay within the allotted time limit.

And here is one for all of us: “The Conference had three daily sessions – morning, afternoon, and evening; and the delegates, keen on their work, attended with fine fidelity.” We all heard that about attendance, right?

Before they met in Budapest and Warsaw, several years of preparatory work had preceded. 18 months before the conference a detailed questionnaire was prepared and sent out. When the replies were received “a digest of the information was skilfully drafted” and, even more, “and when published was distributed to every delegate.” This was before the meeting. Impressive! And I who, till now, have been proud that all papers at our conferences are distributed each night – the same day they are delivered!

“Answers to Questionnaire” are divided in 11 theme groups. In the report after the Budapest meeting there are nine topics.

  • Evangelisation and Message
  • Christian Education
  • Medical Missions, Philanthropy and Community Centres
  • Christian Literature
  • Occupation of the Field
  • Training and Welfare of Workers
  • Spiritual Power
  • Co-operation
  • Work among Jewish Women

At the plenary sessions the topics were presented and then a general discussion followed. Next the delegates were allotted in fairly equal numbers to various “Findings Committees.” After that the themes were discussed again at plenary sessions and the result was published as “Findings” in the official report The Christian Approach to the Jew, which appeared, well – in 1927.

Quite impressive and professional. It is not hard to imagine that it must have cost hard work with all the different responses the committee had received before the conference and all the discussions that took place at the meeting. And it goes without saying that not all delegates were equally pleased with the final result. This is the way it is with common statements. We who have participated in LCJE’s international conferences know how difficult it is to formulate a conference statement.

But let us look at some of the answers to the questionnaire sent out before the conference.

“Answers to Questionnaire”

“Answers to Questionnaire” are collected in an appendix to the book. It is possible that some of the answers, and terminology, make us in 2007 smile. Can it really be that they were not wiser 80 years ago? Why this disagreement? If this world exists 80 years from now and if there are people who occupy themselves with us and our conference here at Lake Balaton, I would not be surprised if that also made them smile. Had they really not come any further in 2007? They were fundamentally agreed about the importance and necessity of Jewish evangelism, but why then did they differ and disagree on so many other points?

One of the questions they wanted to answer dealt with employment of Jewish versus Gentile Christians in Jewish mission work. Here are some of the answers:

“Jewish Christians more suitable.”

“It is a mistake to send out Hebrew missionaries. Non-Jewish missionaries have advantage of more spiritually developed characters, and do not raise such prejudices as Jews.”

“In some cases Hebrew Christian missionaries are very effective and desirable.”

“Very few Hebrew Christian missionaries are fit for leadership.”

“Hope for evangelisation of the Jews lies in Hebrew Christians.”

“Well-trained Gentile Christians are the better missionaries to the Jews.”

In conclusion this is said in “Answers to the Questionnaire”: “The balance of opinion is in favour of the Gentile missionary.” But how does it sound in James Black’s written summary after the conference? “In the last resort, with adequate training, the Jews will make the best apostles to the Jews.”

Many avoided the comparison between the two sides and saw the ideal system in co-operation of the two.

“A combination seems desirable, 80 per cent Jewish Christians and 20 per cent Gentile.”

“Jewish Christians are better for colportage and itineracy; for station work a Gentile as head with Hebrew Christian colleagues.”

“Gentile and Hebrew Christians should work together, the one giving the initiative, the other supplying ‘local colour’.”

I do not know if the submitted answers have been preserved for posterity. I would like to get hold of them, and I am convinced that an examination of these answers would give us some surprises as to who said what.

A wealth of statistical material

A wealth of statistical and demographic information has been gathered. Here is one, in my opinion, interesting example of how they worked up the material and asked some self-critical questions to the theme “Occupation of the Field”.

In “Addendum on Palestine” it is said by way of introduction: “Palestine contains 1 per cent of the Jewish population of the world; yet, if we take mere numbers into account, it draws to itself 12 per cent of the missionary man-power. The fact is that, though there are many ‘missions’, there are few ‘missionaries’ in the sense of men qualified for direct and profitable contact with the Palestinian Jew.”

It is assumed that the total of Christian workers among Jews is one thousand. The question is: Are these one thousand workers distributed in an expedient way? I quote:

“For example, a conservative estimate shows that there are over 400 towns and cities in the world with Jewish populations varying from 5000 to 300,000 or more, but the total numbers of places in which there are established Missions does not seem to exceed 160, and in a considerable proportion of these there is only one individual worker.

Further, when we find that Mission Stations total about 270, it is at once apparent that more than one Mission is at work in many of the occupied places. Indeed, in some of them three or more Missions are at work. Besides, some of these Missions have large staffs, showing that a large proportion of the agency is concentrated in a relatively small number of towns and cities. To give an instance or two: Hamburg seems to have at least 30 workers, and there are as many employed in Budapest; in Bucharest there are over 20, In Constantinople 15; Safad has 12, Tiberias 24, Haifa 11, and Jerusalem over

For present purposes the list need not be extended, but here we find over 180 agents employed in only eight of the occupied cities.

The most extraordinary concentration seems to be in Palestine, which, with only 160,000 Jews, contains more Jewish missionary agents than there are in the Slav lands of Europe, where over 6,000,000 Jews have their homes.

It is not too much to say that many of the great Jewish areas lie entirely fallow. It is doubtful if more than twenty cities in Russia, Ukrainia, Poland, and the Baltic States, together are occupied by Missions. Czechoslovakia, with 360,000 Jews, has only an occasional worker; Transylvania, with a quarter of a million, has only one regular worker.”

And the list continues with further examples following the same pattern.

Therefore they cannot recommend that more missionaries be sent to Palestine and, “after all, if effective mission work is to be done in Jewry, is should be self-evident that missionaries must be sent where the people are.”

This is the way we do today, isn’t it? We have missionaries “where the people are” and we do not focus on just one place – or what? It could be interesting to get an overview of how our workers are distributed today.

Document and delegates

It is one thing to study mission documents and learn from them – both positive and negative lessons. But if you want to feel the “vibe” of a conference, you have to go to the personal reports that some of the delegates wrote afterwards. I have allied myself with the Englishman Samuel Hinds Wilkinson, General Director of the Mildmay Mission to the Jews, the Norwegian clergyman Gisle Johnson in Budapest, sent out by the Norwegian Israel Mission, and Professor Frederik Torm, chairman of the Danish Israel Mission. By the way: I would appreciate all personal reports from this conference and keep them in my archive. Thank you!

Samuel Hinds Wilkinson

Wilkinson was very much in doubt whether he should attend the two conferences at all. “I should in no case have attended them had I not had the authoritative assurance in advance that there would be no surrender of the right of personal judgment by so doing.”

What does he think after the conferences? He writes: “It is difficult to estimate the probable effects of such Conferences. Much will go on as before. There may be – probably will be – a more definite attempt made in the direction of centralization and co-ordination. There will be good and evil in this.” And then follows a sentence which shows that Wilkinson sees a danger but also a possibility. The sentence is a long one and shows that Germans do not have a monopoly on long sentences. Here it comes: “If it be true that the best, the most spiritually fruitful of God’s work has never been effected by machine-like human policy and plan, it is also true that work prosecuted in the light of the fullest possible knowledge of the facts related to it need be no less Spirit-impelled and guided on that account, and will be likely to be better directed, and to avoid the losses produced by friction.”

Well, Wilkinson had after all been inspired by the conferences, where he served as interpreter – from German to English. Two stories by him.

He tells about an “amusing and significant incident” that occurred in Warsaw. Pastor August Gerhardt from Basel had raised a protest against “one­man missions”. Wilkinson translates faithfully and then asks permission to address the conference. ”[I] informed it that a one-man mission was actually represented at the Conference, and that the culprit stood before them to appeal to the mercy of the court!” Of course August Gerhardt had to withdraw his remarks and he said that were not directed against the Mildmay Mission, and the President, Dr Mott insisted, “that some of the most God-honoured, God-prospered undertakings in mission history were one-man missions.”

The following moving story also comes from Wilkinson. One day he is to translate the German Professor Alfred Jeremias’ paper, and he writes in that connection: “There were passages in his address with which I was in little sympathy, though I sought as interpreter faithfully to reproduce them: but to one passage all my heart responded, as it reflected, I believe, the deepest feeling of the Conference and the life-impulse of the great theologian who uttered it. ‘Fifteen years ago, I laid all my philosophies at the feet of Jesus’.”

Gisle Johnson

Johnson, missionary in Budapest attended, like Wilkinson, both conferences. He thought that the religious Christian devotional element was given better opportunities in Warsaw. He also thought that they went more in depth with the topics at that conference. In his opinion the reason could be “that the core of the participants in Warsaw already knew each other from the Budapest conference where they had had their first clashes [sic] and formed the first friendships.” He mentions that two big contrasts were expressed: first between the American and the German Lutheran views of mission, and second between Jewish Christians and gentile Christians. He does not have a lot of good to say about the Jewish Christians and their contributions. However, this may well reflect on himself. He is, nevertheless, pleased with the conference. It has contributed to a greater interest in a Jewish Christian gathering in Budapest. Therefore five meetings for Jews and Jewish Christians were held in the time between the two conferences.

It is also Johnson that tells the story of what he calls “the most embarrassing moment” during the two conferences: it happened “when one of the Jewish Christians leaders launched a rather uncontrolled attack on the German Lutheran churches and was reproved with a reference to 1 Thess 2:15.” What does 1 Thess 2:15 say: ”[The Jews], who killed the Lord Jesus and the prophets and also drove us out. They displease God and are hostile to all men.” Can this be true? Or is 1 Thess 2:15 a slip of the pen for 2 Thess 2:15 – I really hope so: “So then, brothers, stand firm and hold to the teachings we passed on to you …”? I do not know. In any case we may begin to feel in some way the “vibe” of the conference.

Frederik Torm

There is also “vibe” in the story Frederik Torm tells and it is telling both of the attitude to anti-Semitism at the conference and to Dr Mott, the president of the conference. It should be interposed that Hungary, the host country, had seen a brief Communist uprising in 1919 under Bela Kun. He and many of his top commissars were Jews. During his regime, which lasted only 133 days, a number of Hungarians were executed, including some fellow Jews. Several Jews had taken part in this rebellion, which fuelled anti-Semitism in the following years. The conference deliberately comments on this sensitive topic. Anti-Semitism is condemned in no uncertain terms.

But Torm says that during the negotiations a participant argued that the Jews were partly to blame for the anti-Semitism and that it would therefore be wise not to phrase the condemnation of anti-Semitism too strongly. But then Dr Mott said in his characteristically quiet, authoritative manner that there was no area where he was more reluctant to weaken or tone down the language than in the statement about anti-Semitism.

The Ghetto of the past – the walls of Jericho have fallen

The conferences in 1927 were characterized by great optimism. World War I was in the past. Great economic and social progress had been made. Many Jews were leaving the synagogue. As it is said in the report: “It is stated that in America 80 per cent of the Jews are outside the Synagogue, while in the city of Berlin approximately 65 per cent have given up Judaism …” The Jews are seeking, looking for other answers than the ones given by Judaism. As it is said: “Leaders of Judaism have complained bitterly of a desertion of worship and a disregard of authority.” This observation is followed up by the remark: “This is not a matter for any rejoicing on our part. It will be a bitter day if good Jews are only converted into bad Jews!”

The mood that characterized the conference and its visions is expressed in the following words: “The Ghetto and all the deplorable things it represented are things of the past. The walls of Jericho have fallen. Praise God!” And: “But the point is, for their [the Jews’] own good or ill, they are out in the open.” And: “This is Christ’s great chance.” Or as they said in Warsaw: “We are convinced that the Church of Christ is facing a new day in Jewish missions. The signs of the times awaken new hope for the future.”

The conference is aware that a new picture of Jesus is emerging. Joseph Klausner’s book Yeshu ha-Notzri had appeared in Hebrew five years earlier, in 1922. In 1925 the English translation of it, Jesus of Nazareth, had been published. The general opinion was that this new view of Jesus boded well for the future work among Jews.

Torm comments that “essentially all this may be true, as it is also indisputable that new opportunities are opening for mission work, but we should be careful not to exaggerate these things.”

Why this reservation on Torm’s side? His answer is: “Klausner’s book has not only met with approval but also with sharp protests from Jewish quarters.” And the fact that Jews can admire Jesus as the great Jew does not change their prejudices about the church and against missions.”

It is important for Torm that false expectations about results are not raised. Therefore he says: “Mission work requires the same patience as until now.”

In his opinion that aspect is too weak in the conference statements. As he says: “… they seemed to be afraid of weakening the appeal to the churches to take up mission work if they did not as strongly as possible accentuate the new opportunities for mission. But it is better to face reality squarely as it is.”

I wonder, to pursue the same idea, if it is reality that is always expressed in our newsletters in 2007 when we describe our results? Torm did not want to contribute to the creation of false expectations, for it can break workers. Mission to Israel will also in the future be a long, tough haul requiring “persevering patience”. Don’t forget that, says Torm.

Baptism and careful instruction

And then a statement from the conference about baptism. It says:

“We call attention to the fact that baptism, prematurely performed, often makes the baptised Jew a stumbling-block to other Jews, and a reproach to the Mission and to the Church.

When a Jew applies for baptism, the missionary should do his utmost to test his profession and observe his life, lest there be any ulterior motives in his mind.

The aim of missions is not to ‘make propaganda,’ but to win souls for Christ and lead them to holy living. The missionary ought, therefore, to show special caution in admitting for baptism those for whom there is no community of Christian people prepared to receive the converts and give them the necessary spiritual help and guidance. A period of wise and careful instruction should precede baptism, and, where possible, an accurate register of baptisms should be kept.”

Why this statement? The official material from the conference does not give a clear answer to that. It was a hot potato to touch. How so?

In brief: In 1919, the year of Bela Kun’s revolution, the official number for baptisms in Hungary is 7,146. In 1920 it is 1,925. Add to this non-registered baptisms. Large figures are causes for joy, right? But not so! The Scandinavian and German Lutherans thought that the English and Scottish missionaries were too rash and did not sufficiently test the faith of the converts before baptism. The facts were that many baptized Jews later returned to Judaism. Before the conference there was some anxiety as to whether the conference would dare to deal with this burning question. Gisle Johnson, for example, refused to be co-convenor of the conference since he could not be sure what would be the conference’s position on the question.

The question was tabled at the conference at Frederik Torm’s request. If it had any effect I do not know. Perhaps Wilkinson’s word came true: “Much will go on as before.”

This whole matter requires a paper of its own. And I do not know why this makes me wonder how we, in 2007, count Messianic Jews in Israel. Perhaps it is a mere digression. Or is it a relevant association?

Jesus Himself must be our theme

  1. Lukyn Williams dealt with the theme: “Literature as a Means of Winning Jews to Christ.” He asks: “What do Jews of to-day need?” His answer focuses on literature but can also be applied to other areas: “They need to see in all our writings Sympathy and Jesus. For, alas, with very few exceptions it is difficult to find either the one or the other in our literature present and past.”

It is an expert who is speaking. Let us listen to what he says:

“I have read, I think, practically all our modern, and a great deal of the early and mediæval, missionary literature, and I am always impressed with the fact that while there is in it much about the teaching of the Old Testament, and the wonderful way in which this foretells the coming and life of the Messiah, there is very little indeed about Jesus Himself. Our missionary writers have been so intrigued – to use the cant phrase – with the preparation for Jesus that they seldom tell us anything about Him as He was and is.

And yet, when you come to think of it, it was not proofs from the Old Testament which won the first Jewish converts, though, of course, the Old Testament confirmed their faith. It was Jesus Himself who attracted them; His personality, His character, His graciousness, His actions, in a word, His life, and then His death, and His further Life seen of them, and known in its effect within them.

We need, in fact, to reproduce Jesus. In our life? Yes, above all else; but also in our words, and, that our words may go far, much further than we ourselves can possibly go, we must write and print descriptions of Jesus as He was and is. There is no harm in referring to the Old Testament and to Jewish literature as we do so. Both are absolutely necessary, but they must both take a very secondary place. Jesus Himself must be our theme.”

These are strong words. Some may even say one-sided and wish to moderate them saying that the themes we deal with must throw light on Jesus Himself. But I will leave them as they are and not diminish their challenge.

The message to the Jews in 1927 – and in 2007

Even though Torm had certain reservations about the conference’s optimistic expectations about mission results in the future, the conference did not yield to the temptation to “modernize the gospel in order to win the Jewish youth’s interest and approval. On this point the conference stood firm; it is the old gospel that needs to be proclaimed,” he wrote.

So, what is the old gospel according to Budapest and Warsaw 1927? It is said in this statement:

“Our message to the Jews is the love of God revealed in Jesus Christ, crucified, risen, glorified, the fulfilment of the law and the true Messiah. He is the incarnate Word, the Redeemer of the world, the Saviour from sin, who is bringing Israel to her destiny – viz., to become a blessing to all humanity.

This message should be presented with humility and love and with self-sacrificing service, so that the Jews may be awaked from the mere expectancy of a Messiah or a dependence on self-righteousness to true repentance and confession of sin, praying for regeneration, receiving pardon through the sacrifice of the Lord Jesus, and becoming His sincere disciples.”

This statement is rather different from the poster with “Hungary’s creed”, which a pastor associated with the Danish Israel Mission saw on the trams in Budapest during a visit in January – precisely in 1927. According to Benjamin Balslev the “creed” read like this:

“I believe in a God.

I believe in a fatherland.

I believe in eternal truth.

I believe in Hungary’s resurrection.”

Amen.

No, at the conference in Budapest 1927 they did not express a belief in “a God” but belief in the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. They did not talk about the “resurrection” of a country but about the resurrection of Christ. And they knew that without “spiritual power” it would all be in vain.

Even if we, here at Lake Balaton 2007, cannot lay all our philosophies at the feet of Jesus – then perhaps a few of them!

It is possible that “much will go on as before” when we return to our work. But could we not here during the conference open the door a crack so that some changes might be considered?

When the last word has been said at this conference, I hope that we will have got new courage and boldness so that we together can say: “Jesus Himself is our theme in Jewish evangelism.”

OK? Until the next International LCJE Conference in 2011? Or – allow me – at least until Christ comes!

Kai Kjær-Hansen lcje-kai@post4.tele.dk

Selected bibliography

International Missionary Council, The Christian Approach to the Jew. Being a Report of Conferences on the Subject held at Budapest and Warsaw in April 1927

(London, Edinburgh House Press, 1927). Gisle Johnson, “Fra Budapest til Warschau”, Missions-Blad for Israel, 1927, 106-109.

  1. Torm, ”Israelsmissions-Konferencerne i Buda-Pest og Warschav April 1927”, Nordisk Missions-Tidsskrift, 1928, 34-47.

Samuel Hinds Wilkinson, ”The Jewish Missionary Conferences at Budapest & Warsaw, April, 1927”, Trusting and Toiling, 1927, 68-70.

 

http://www.abrock.com/Committee1.html

Webster, who had spent seventeen years in Budapest for the Jewish Mission Committee of the United Free Church of Scotland and, in 1918, had taken over as Secretary of the Jewish Mission and the Colonial and Continental Committees of his church, also noted themes that were to be developed in the 1927 conferences and the coordinated missionary activities that followed them:

“World-wide emancipation of the Jews, the new race consciousness awakened among them, the power they wield, will not be used to serve Christian ends, probably not any religious end. The Jew emancipated but unredeemed, the Jew unsynagogued and adrift from his old restraints, becomes a disintegrating element in the community where he settles.”

“Moreover, the Church at large has acted as if there were no call of Christ to bring the Gospel to His own. Although millions of this non-Christian people are at her doors and affect her life and work on every side, she has not allowed their case to grip her mind and imagination.”4

It is noteworthy that nowhere in the report of the Budapest and Warsaw conferences was the premillennianist doctrine that the Second Coming of Christ depended upon the conversion of the Jewish people particularly emphasized as a rationale for mission to Jews–and that despite its prominence at the time of the Evangelical Awakening. Instead, as the Findings of the Warsaw conference put it: “The basis and authority of Missions to the Jews rest primarily on the special command and love of our Lord Jesus. It is an undoubted fact that neglect of Jewish Missions would deprive the Church of the great spiritual gifts latent in the Jewish people and result in spiritual dearth for the Church Universal.”

As was the case with virtually all the conferences of the IMC, the Budapest and Warsaw meetings were extremely well prepared. Preparatory papers were commissioned, written, and distributed in advance, and an extensive questionnaire was circulated among the Jewish missionary societies. Answers to the questionnaire concerning “The Present Situation in Jewry” offer more detail to Black’s depiction:

On the religious side, from country to country it is reported that the majority of educated Jews have turned to agnosticism or atheism. Religious apathy or indifference grows apace, morals have suffered in many parts since the War, decadence is apparent almost everywhere, even in Palestine old-fashioned Orthodoxy is being rapidly undermined, materialism gains ground rapidly, and already drift from Judaism and the Synagogue has set in. It is stated that in America 80 per cent of the Jews are outside the Synagogue, while in the city of Berlin approximately 64 per cent have given up Judaism, and in many other large cities similar lapsing is seen, although the ratio may not be so high. Younger people in particular seem to have less and less regard for the tenets of their traditional faith and seek stimulus in Socialism and Labour Movements. A considerable number in America has turned to “Christian Science,” in Hungary to Theosophy and Spiritualism, in many lands to Zionism and Nationalism. Indeed, with no small proportion of Jews, Zionism and Nationalism are taking the place of religious faith.

The implication drawn from these statistics, as we have seen, was that, perhaps for the first time in history, Jews were receptive to the Christian message. “That a new spirit of inquiry is…abroad need not be doubted,” respondents to the questionnaire declared. “It would be too much to say that the majority of Jews are ready to accept the Gospel, but there is no question that very large numbers of them now show an open-mindedness heretofore unknown.”

What made the situation “new” was the conviction that Jews were abandoning Judaism in large numbers. As a consequence of their being loosed from the ghetto, where they had been held in the grip of precise Talmudic teaching, they were out in the open where they could live the normal life of other people, which meant that they now enjoyed spiritual enfranchisement. Thus, after years in prison, they were leaving the synagogue in droves, lapsing from Judaism as an outworn creed, and substituting for it cults such as Christian Science, Theosophy, and Spiritualism, not to mention Zionism and Nationalism.

It is clear that the missionaries took for granted the hoary persuasion that Judaism was a “fossil” religion, in which Jews continued to believe only because of their isolation from the larger, Christian, society. Once they were physically freed from such isolation and able to engage in direct encounter with the “outside world,” they would see the error of their ways. It only remained for Christians to present the gospel as the best and most viable alternative to the secular alternatives society offered.

Almost exactly one year after the April 1927 conferences on “The Christian Approach to the Jew” the International Missionary Council met in an enlarged meeting at Jerusalem (24 March-8 April 1928).2 Dr. James Black and others reported on the Budapest and Warsaw conferences and called attention to the Findings requesting the IMC to “consider at its first meeting how it can draw more closely together in co-operative action the various Societies, and how it can make the work among Jews more central in the plans and sacrificial devotion of the Churches.” As a result, the Jerusalem meeting instructed its officers to “consult with the committees in the various countries which were appointed to arrange for the conferences in Warsaw and Budapest with a view to the appointment of a small committee to co-operate with the officers in carrying out the recommendations of these two conferences.”4

That “small committee” was duly appointed at the meeting of the IMC’s Committee in Williamstown, Massachusetts, during July 1929.5 Named “The International Committee on the Christian Approach to the Jews,” it was composed of seven British and four North American members with Dr. James Black, who was given authority to add others from Europe if he desired, as chairman. It was more than a simple committee, however, for the constituting resolution provided for regional sections, a central office, and an employed executive secretary. The finances necessary to do all of this became the responsibility of the IMC’s finance committee.

A secretary was soon located–Dr. Conrad Hoffmann, a former bacteriology professor from Wisconsin who had performed invaluable service through the YMCA for prisoners of war in England and Germany. Hoffmann, who remained as secretary until his retirement in 1951, began his work in September 1930 and immediately, even before the IMCCAJ could hold its first formal meeting, set about preparing the North American counterpart to the Budapest and Warsaw conferences, which was held at Atlantic City, New Jersey, in May 1931.

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7 April 1807 Birth of Ridley Haim Herschel #otdimjh

Ridley Haim Herschell was founder of the British Society for Propagating the Gospel Among the Jews (now CWI) and the Evangelical Alliance .

Ridley Herschell

Ridley Herschell

Ridley Herschell and his family were distinguished Hebrew Christians of the 19th century. His son, Farrer Herschell, 1st Baron Herschell, became Lord Chancellor of Great Britain in 1886, and again from 1892 to 1895.

Farrer Herscell

Farrer Herscell

Bernstein gives 10 references to Herschell, and a lengthy excerpt from his autobiography:

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Herschell, Rev. Ridley Hayim, born at Stozelno (Posen), April 7, 1807, was strictly brought up, together [267] with his four brothers, in Jewish orthodoxy. When quite young he had a desire to become a rabbi, and left home seeking to enter some rabbinical school. In his wanderings he was overtaken by robbers, but escaped. At the age of fourteen, he came to Rabbi Aron in the town where his grandfather Hillel resided; there he remained two years among the Chassidim, seeking, after their manner, in vain to become perfectly righteous before God. How he came to the knowledge of Him who is the Lord our Righteousness, he has himself recorded in the following pages:

“Having been favoured by God with pious parents, their great care was to impress my mind from childhood with a profound reverence for God, and for the Holy Scriptures. I was taught to repeat the morning and evening prayers with great solemnity; and on the feast days my attention was particularly drawn to the impressive confession in our Liturgy, ‘It is because of our sins we are driven away from our land,’ &c. On the Day of Atonement I used to see my devout parents weep when they repeated the pathetic confession that follows the enumeration of the sacrifices which were appointed by God to be offered up for the sins of omission; and many a time I shed sympathetic tears as I joined them in saying, that we have now no temple, no high priest, no altar, and no sacrifices. As I advanced in years and understanding, my religious impressions became stronger; fear and trembling often took hold upon me; and what was then my refuge,—what the balm for my wounded spirit? Repeating more prayers, and asking God to accept [268] the calves of my lips. This satisfied my mind at the time; but the satisfaction arose from ignorance of the character of God as a holy and a just Being, and of my own state as a guilty sinner, whose prayers proceeding from unclean lips, could not be accepted as a sweet savour by the thrice holy Lord God of Sabaoth.

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“I continued in this state of mind until I was about sixteen years of age. During this period of my life, I often spent three sleepless nights in the week, studying the Talmud, and other Hebrew works. I also committed to memory several chapters of the prophets every week, in order that I might become sufficiently familiar with the Hebrew language to correspond in it. At this period I became acquainted with a Polish Jew, who had studied several years at the University of Berlin, and consequently had become acquainted with Gentile literature. He strongly advised me to give up the study of the Talmud, and devote myself to the study of German and secular literature. After a hard struggle of mind, I resolved to follow his advice, and accordingly went to ——. Here there was not only a change in the character of my studies, but an entire change in my habits and mode of life. Many things that I formerly regarded as essential parts of my religion, were considered by my fellow-students alt modisch (old fashioned), quite unfit for theaufgeklärten (enlightened). At first my conscience was much disturbed, and I was often very unhappy; but, after a time, these feelings wore off; I conformed to the manners of my fellow-students, and [269] I also ‘lived like a Christian,’ as the Jews in those parts are wont to say of such of their brethren as have no fear of God before their eyes. I formed acquaintance with many young Gentiles; and this I could now do with impunity, as neither they nor I troubled ourselves about each other’s religion; neither of us, in reality, having any, although they called themselves Christians, and I was a Jew. The only thing that reminded me what people I belonged to, was the look of contempt I received now and then from Christians; and the little children in the streets calling after me, ‘Jew, Jew.’ Then, indeed, I realized that I belonged to the people who have become a proverb and a by-word among the Gentiles.

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“I well remember the first time I ever heard of one of my brethren becoming a convert to Christianity. It was a young Jew, who was apprenticed to a tradesman in the town where I studied. My idea of Jewish converts to Christianity was, that they renounced their national privileges and obligations; that they separated themselves from the covenant God made with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and publicly joined themselves to the ungodly Gentiles, who live without God, and without hope in the world. Although at this time I had laid aside many of the outward observances of the Jewish religion, I had still a strong attachment to the fundamental doctrines of the Jewish faith, because I believed them to be of Divine origin. The idea of any Jew becoming a Christian, therefore, seemed to me a dreadful apostasy; and I regarded the youth above-mentioned with mingled pity and[270] contempt, as one who had forsaken God, and given up all hope of eternal life.

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Dictionary of National Biography

“I pass over in silence several years of my life, which were devoted to the world, and the things of the world; during which time I kept up such a measure of conformity to the customs of my religion as I considered respectable and consistent; but my early convictions and impressions were faded and forgotten; and I belonged to that class whom the Psalmist designates ‘men of the world, which have their portion in this life.’

“In process of time the Lord laid His afflicting hand upon me. The death of my beloved mother, whose tenderness to me I remember to this day with the deepest gratitude and affection, was a heavy stroke to me, and plunged me into the utmost grief. I was then visited with sickness, and my conscience became much disturbed. What I then endured can only be expressed in the language of the sixth Psalm. I solemnly vowed to become very religious; I resolved to fast one day in every week, to repeat many prayers, and show kindness and charity to the poor. But this could not pacify my guilty conscience, as the study of German literature had weakened my confidence in religious observances,—had driven me from my own religion, and given me nothing in its place. One day I was in acute distress of mind, feeling, as David expresses it, that I had sunk ‘in deep mire, where there is no standing’; that all my own efforts to free myself were of no avail, my struggles only made me sink deeper and deeper. For the first time in my life [271] I prayed extempore. I cried out, ‘O God! I have no one to help me, and I dare not approach Thee, for I am guilty; help, O help me, for the sake of my father Abraham, who was willing to offer up his son Isaac, have mercy upon me, and impute his righteousness unto me.’ But there was no answer from God,—no peace to my wounded spirit. I felt as if God had forsaken me; as if the Lord had cast me off for ever, and would be favourable no more. I fully understood the words of the Psalmist, ‘Mine iniquities have taken hold upon me, so that I am not able to look up; they are more than the hairs of my head; therefore my heart faileth me’ (Psalm xl. 12); and I felt that all my devotional exercises were what the prophet Isaiah was instructed to declare the sacrifices and offerings of the Jews in his days to be,—vain oblations, an abomination in the sight of God.

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“I was far from my home and relatives; and my gay companions, seeing I was depressed in spirits, though ignorant of the real cause of this depression, earnestly urged me to frequent the theatres, and other public amusements, to cheer my mind. At first this partially succeeded; but the merciful kindness of God left me not thus to my own devices, but graciously interposed, and again roused me to seek after more solid happiness.

“God, in his tender mercy, had again disturbed and disquieted my conscience so much, that I fully realised the words of the Psalmist, ‘I am troubled, I am bowed down greatly, I go mourning all the day long, for my loins are filled with a loathsome disease, and there is no soundness in my flesh. I am feeble and sore [272] broken; I have roared by reason of the disquietness of my heart’ (Psalm xxxviii. 6-8). I had no peace nor rest; but wherever I went, or however I was employed, I carried about with me a sense of misery that was intolerable. I could say with Job, ‘The arrows of the Almighty are within me, the poison whereof drinketh up my spirit’ (Job vi. 4).

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“One morning I went to purchase an article in a shop, little knowing that God had there stored up for me the ‘pearl of great price,’ which He was about to give me ‘without money and without price.’ The article I purchased was wrapped up in a leaf of the Bible, which contained a portion of the Sermon on the Mount. The shopkeeper was, probably, an infidel, who thought the Bible merely waste paper; but God over-ruled the evil for good. As I was walking home my eyes glanced on the words: ‘Blessed are they that mourn, for they shall be comforted.’ This arrested my attention, and I read the whole passage with deep interest.

“‘Blessed are the poor in spirit, for their’s is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are they that mourn, for they shall be comforted. Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth. Blessed are they which do hunger and thirst after righteousness, for they shall be filled. Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy. Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God. Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called the children of God. Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness’ sake, for their’s is the kingdom of heaven.’ (St. Matthew v. 3-10.) [273]

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“I was much struck with the sentiments contained in this passage, and felt very desirous to see the book of which it was a portion; I had no idea what book it was, never having seen a New Testament. A few days after, God directed my footsteps to the house of an acquaintance, on whose table lay a copy of the New Testament. Impelled by curiosity I took it up, and in turning over the leaves beheld the very passage that had interested me so much. I immediately borrowed it, and began to read it with great avidity. At first I felt quite bewildered, and was so shocked by the constant recurrence of the name of Jesus, that I repeatedly cast the book away. At length I determined to read it through. When I came to the twenty-third chapter of the Gospel of St. Matthew, I was astonished at the full disclosure of the nature of Pharisaism, contained in it; and Christ’s lamentation over Jerusalem, in the concluding part: ‘O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets, and stonest them which are sent unto thee, how often would I have gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye would not!’ affected me even to tears. In reading the account of the crucifixion, the meekness and love of Jesus of Nazareth astonished me; and the cruel hatred manifested against Him by the priests and rulers in Israel, excited within me a feeling of compassion for Him, and of indignation against His murderers. But I did not as yet see any connexion between the sufferings of Jesus and my sins.”

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In 1828 he entered the Operative Jewish Converts’ [274] Institution, which was under the superintendence of Erasmus Simon, and was baptized April 14, 1830, when he took the name of his godfather, Rev. Henry Calbone Ridley. Owing to some scruples, he preferred to enter the nonconformist ministry, in which he also zealously laboured for the spiritual welfare of his brethren. He was one of the founders of the British Society. Among his converts was Dr. A. Fürst, a very able missionary of that Society. Ridley Herschell edited a periodical under the title, “Voice of Israel.” He wrote also an account of his journey to his home, “A Visit to my Fatherland”; “Reasons why I am not a Roman Catholic.” With the assistance of Sir Culling Eardley he built Trinity Chapel, Regent Street, where he was, one might say, a father to the converts in London in 1845-6, and they reciprocated his love by sixty of them presenting him with a polyglot Bible, in eight languages, in 1845.

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Herschell’s Funerary monument, Kensal Green Cemetery, London

Prayer: Thank you, Lord, for these Hebrew Christian pioneers and giants of the past. We pray that their legacy may endure and flourish amongst our people Israel and the church today. Help us to follow in their footsteps of faith, learn from their mistakes, and contribute to the next generation of Jewish believers in Yeshua, as they have to ours. In Yeshua’s name we pray. Amen

Herschell, Rev. David Abraham, a brother of the above, a very saintly man, baptized in Basel, 1845, was first his assistant at Trinity Chapel and afterwards, nearly all his life, minister of the Congregational Church, Loughborough Park, Brixton.

Herschell, Rev. Louis, another brother, laboured for many years as missionary and deputation of the British Society, and was a minister at Ware, and later at Peckham Rye, London. He died in 1890.

Herschell, Rev. Victor, another brother, emigrated to the United States, was baptized in the Seventh Presbyterian Church in Philadelphia, and was ordained to the ministry there. [275]

The son of the fourth brother, who remained in Judaism till late in life, embraced Christianity in Germany.

http://www.hadavar.org/getting-to-know-god/jewish-believers-their-stories/from-jewish-believers-for-christ-keren-ahvah-meshihit/rev-ridley-hayim-herschell/

http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/7613-herschell-ridley-haim

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ridley_Haim_Herschell

(4.) “Jewish Witnesses that Jesus is the Christ,” by the Rev. Ridley Herschell (father of Lord Chancellor Herschell), who gives his autobiography and the lives of several personal friends.

In A Visit to My Fatherland (1845), the British nonconformist minister Ridley Haim Herschell, who was a native of Prussian Poland, described his 1843 visit to the “Place of Wailing” on a Friday as “one of the most striking” scenes that he beheld in that city. Herschell, whose account was later quoted by Adler, wrote that “about 30 men and half as many women were assembled together, all without shoes, the ground whereon they trod being in their estimation holy.” He too gives no indication of any separation between men and women at the Western Wall.

Ridley Haim Herschell (7 April 1807 – 14 April 1864) was an Anglo-Polish minister who converted fromJudaism to evangelical Christianity. He was a founder of the British Society for Propagating the Gospel Among the Jews (1842) and of the Evangelical Alliance (1845),[1]

HERSCHELL, RIDLEY HAIM:

Missionary to the Jews; born at Strzelno, Prussian Poland, April 7, 1807; died at Brighton, England, April 14, 1864. The son of Jewish parents, he was educated at Berlin University (1822), and was baptized in England by the Bishop of London in 1830. He became a missionary among the Jews, and was in charge of schools and missionary work at Leigh, Essex, and Brampton, Suffolk, from 1835 to 1838. In the last-named year he opened an unsectarian chapel in London, and in 1846 removed to Trinity Chapel, Edgeware road. He was a founder of the British Society for Propagating the Gospel Among the Jews and of the Evangelical Alliance (1845).

Herschell was the author of: “A Brief Sketch of the State and Expectations of the Jews,” 1834; “Plain Reasons Why I, a Jew, Have Become a Catholic and Not a Roman Catholic,” 1842; and “A Visit to My Fatherland: Notes of a Journey to Syria and Palestine, 1844.”

He also edited “The Voice of Israel,” a conversionist journal (vols. i., ii., 1845-47), and produced other works.

Bibliography:

  • Boase, Modern English Biography, 1892;
  • Dunlop, Memories of Gospel Triumphs Among the Jews, 1894.

http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/7613-herschell-ridley-haim

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ridley_Haim_Herschell

(4.) “Jewish Witnesses that Jesus is the Christ,” by the Rev. Ridley Herschell (father of Lord Chancellor Herschell), who gives his autobiography and the lives of several personal friends.

Farrer Herschell, 1st Baron Herschell GCB, PC, QC (2 November 1837 – 1 March 1899) was Lord Chancellor of Great Britain in 1886, and again from 1892 to 1895.

Dictionary of National Biography article

  1. M. C.

HERSCHELL, RIDLEY HAIM (1807–1864), dissenting minister, was born on 7 April 1807 at Strzelno, a small town in Prussian Poland about thirty miles from Thorn. The town was in French occupation at the time, and just before the child’s birth a cannon-ball entered the room where the mother lay. The incident suggested the name ‘Haim’ (i.e. ‘life’) for her newborn son. His parents were devout Jews. His grandfather, Rabbi Hillel, who lived with them, exercised a great influence on the character of his grandson. He was a man of simple and intense faith, but gentle and considerate to those who differed from him.

When the boy was eleven years old he left home to seek instruction at a noted rabbinical school, and from that time he was never wholly dependent upon his parents. After a few years he returned home with a view to entering his father’s business. Finding the life uncongenial he went to the university of Berlin about 1822, and while studying supported himself by teaching. In 1825 he paid a short visit to England, travelling mostly on foot, and occupied himself during his sojourn in learning English. After completing his studies at Berlin, and visiting England a second time, he went to Paris. The writings of English freethinkers had increased an alienation from his early beliefs already begun at Berlin. He yielded to the seductions of Paris, but in consequence, apparently, of the death of his mother, his religious feelings revived. He was powerfully impressed by reading a part of the Sermon on the Mount which had been used to wrap up a parcel. He studied the New Testament, but his Jewish instincts set him against the Roman catholic ritual. He is said to have thrown into the Seine a crucifix given him by a priest. Shortly after he came again to England, and was eventually (in 1830) baptised by the Bishop of London, one of his sponsors being the Rev. Henry Colborne Ridley, whose surname he assumed. He shrank from taking orders, and for some years occupied himself almost exclusively in mission work among the Jews. In 1835 Lady Olivia Sparrow induced him to undertake the direction of schools and mission-work established by her, first in the fishing village of Leigh in Essex, and subsequently in Brampton, Huntingdonshire. In both places he laboured with great success. By the aid of friends he opened a chapel in London in 1838, where he soon collected a congregation, and organised a ‘church.’ He did not associate himself with any of the nonconformist societies, although his religious belief was distinctly of the same type. Among his hearers were many members of the church of England, as well as of various denominations of dissenters. He was distinguished by the breadth of his views and catholic sympathies. He made many continental journeys, and his personal influence was felt far beyond the limits of his London congregation.

In 1846 Herschell removed to Trinity Chapel, John Street, Edgware Road. He had taken a principal part in founding the British Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Jews. He now established a home for Jews who were inquiring into Christianity, and was always untiring in endeavouring to find occupation for Jewish converts. He was one of the first to organise school excursions. He joined heartily with Sir Culling Eardley and others in establishing the Evangelical Alliance, the spirit of which animated his life. He died after a lingering illness on 14 April 1864. Herschell was twice married, first to Helen Skirving Mowbray, and secondly to Esther Fuller-Maitland. Three children survived him, a son, the present Lord Herschell, and two daughters. Herschell’s books include:

275

  1. sent State and Future Expectations of the Jews,’ 3rd edition, 1834, 12mo.
  2. ‘A Visit to my Fatherland,’ London, 1844, 12mo.
  3. ‘Psalms and Hymns for Congregational Use,’ 1846, 32mo.
  4. ‘Jewish Witnesses; that Jesus is the Christ,’ 1848, 12mo.
  5. ‘The Mystery of the Gentile Dispensation, and the Work of the Messiah,’ 1848, 12mo.
  6. ‘Far above Rubies,’ a memoir of his first wife, 1854, 8vo.
  7. ‘The Golden Lamp, an Exposition of the Tabernacle and its Services,’ 1858, 8vo.
  8. ‘Strength in Weakness; Meditations on some of the Psalms,’ 1860, 16mo. He edited for a time the ‘Voice of Israel.’
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6 April 1903 Pogrom in Kishinev scatters remnant of Joseph Rabinowitz’s Messianic Congregation #otdimjh

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The Kishinev pogrom was an anti-Jewish riot that took place in Kishinev, which was back then part of the Bessarabia province of Imperial Russia (currently Chişinău is the capital of independent Moldova).  It started on April 6 and lasted until April 7, 1903.The riot started after a Christian Russian boy, Michael Ribalenko, had been found murdered in the town of Dubossary, about 25 miles north of Kishinev. Although it was clear that the boy had been killed by a relative (who was later found), the government chose to call it a ritual murder plot by the Jews.

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The mobs were incited by Pavolachi Krushevan, the editor of the Anti-Semitic Newspaper “Bessarabetz”, and the vice-governor Ustrugov. They used the ages-old blood libel against the Jews (that the boy had been killed to use his blood in preparation of matzo).

pale-A

The Pale of Settlement

Viacheslav Plehve, the Minister of Interior, supposedly gave orders not to stop the rioters. During three days of rioting, the Kishinev Pogrom against the Jews took place. Forty-seven (some put the figure as high as 49) Jews were killed, 92 severely wounded, 500 slightly wounded and over 700 houses looted and destroyed.

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Victims of the 1903 Pogrom

This pogrom is considered the first state-inspired action against Jews of the 20th century. Despite a world outcry, only two men were sentenced to seven and five years and twenty-two were sentenced for one or two years.

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This pogrom was instrumental in convincing tens of thousands of Russian Jews to leave to the West and to Israel.

Joseph-Rabinowitz

Joseph Rabinowitz

Among those affected by the pogrom were the congregation of the Israelites of the New Covenant, founded by Joseph Rabinowitz, who had died in 1899. Surviving members of the congregation, which had dissolved on the death of Rabinowitz, were either massacred or scattered. The congregation was restarted by Lev Averbuch for a time between the years 1922-1937.

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Prayer: Lord, we see the crimes brought about, often in your name, against the Jewish people. Help us to stand against injustice, and protect the weak from oppression. In Your name we pray. Amen.

2013_01_14-1903_kishinev_pogrom

The pogrom that transformed 20th century Jewry

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kishinev_pogrom

http://www.kishinevpogrom.com/narratives1.html

http://zionchristianpress.org/rabinowitz/testimony.html?http%3A//zionchristianpress.org/rabinowitz/testimony-text.html

1903 (9th of Nisan, 5663):

  1. Averbuch., “Report — Third International Hebrew Christian Conference, held at High Leigh, 1931”, in; HC, vol iv, 1931: 112. Kai Kjזr-Hansen, Joseph Rabinowitz and the Messianic Movement. The Herzl of Jewish Christianity (Edinburgh/Grand Rapids: The Handsel Press/ Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1995), pp. 209-229. In an article published recently we find additional new first-hand information about Averbuch, see: Gabe, Eric, “The Messianic Work in Kishineff” in HC, vol. LXX, 1997: 29-30. Gabe corrects some details given by Solheim and later quoted by Kjaer-Hansen.

On April 8, 1903 — Easter Sunday — a mild disturbance against local Jews rattled Kishinev, a sleepy city on the southwestern border of imperial Russia.

“Little property was destroyed,” said Jewish cultural historian Steven J. Zipperstein, who is a Radcliffe Fellow this year, “and the outbreak seemed little more than a bacchanal of rowdy teenagers.”

But the next day, and for half the next, violence escalated. Gangs of 10 or 20 armed with hatchets and knives stormed through the town’s narrow streets and into its courtyards, where Jewish families defended themselves with garden implements and other meager weapons.

In the end, 49 Jews were killed, an untold number of Jewish women were raped, and 1,500 Jewish homes were damaged. This sudden rush of hoodlum violence — prompted by accusatory rumors of Jewish ritual murder — quickly became a talisman of “imperial Russian brutality against its Jews,” said Zipperstein.

More than that, the incident brought the word pogrom to the world stage and set off reverberations that changed the course of Jewish history for the next century.

Zipperstein, a historian of modern European Jewry who teaches at Stanford University, is using his Radcliffe year to work on a cultural history of Russian Jews.

One chapter will be on the formative massacre at Kishinev, the provincial capital of Bessarabia, a 120-mile-wide nook of rural Russia where there were scarcely 100 miles of paved roads.

In this peaceful, growing place of “fruit and hides and splendid wines,” he said, Jews comprised half the city’s population and lived in seeming peace with their Christian neighbors.

It was a draft of that chapter that he shared last week (April 1) with an audience of 150 at the Radcliffe Gymnasium.

Zipperstein is convinced of two things: The Kishinev violence became a metaphor of risk that transformed 20th century Jewish life. And as a historical incident — a creature of fact and figure and chronology — it is still little understood.

Thanks to the “mountains” of archives opened after the fall of communism, he said, “historians have only just started to sift though these papers to make greater sense of this past.”

But even the data Zipperstein has gathered so far — from guidebooks, tracts, transcripts, memoirs, newspaper accounts, and even poetry — is “contradictory,” he said, “and massive.”

“It is little less than the mother lode,” said Zipperstein of the Kishinev massacre, “the heart-bed of so much of what it is Jews over the last century and more have come to believe about themselves.”

To begin with, Kishinev consolidated the immediate belief — propagated within days around the world — that imperial Russia was waging a brutal campaign against its own Jews.

From this came the eventual belief that “Jewry’s ill-starred collision with tsarism” spurred widespread Jewish migration at the turn of the 20th century, said Zipperstein. (At the time, more than half the Jews in the world lived in Russia.)

But most of Russia was untouched by pogroms, especially the northern provinces from which the earliest and heaviest migrations poured.

Like any other immigrants, although in far larger numbers, Jews “fled poverty or the military, or the paucity of opportunity,” Zipperstein said. “They left for a better life, to breathe more freely.”

While documents were buried for decades in Soviet archives, accounts of the seminal Russian Jewish past were “sometimes alarmingly unreliable,” said Zipperstein — including “Life Is with People,” the 1952 evocation of shtetl life by Mark Zborowski and Elizabeth Herzog.

It supplied the historical impressions behind the musical “Fiddler on the Roof” and Bernard Malamud’s novel “The Fixer” — yet today is regarded by historians as “methodologically slipshod,” a pastiche of mostly unreliable stories, said Zipperstein.

Notions of unreliability deepen even more. Zborowski was soon after exposed as a Soviet agent, who likely had a hand in the murder of Trotsky.

There are other unreliable narratives of the Russian Jewish past, including those about Kishinev.

At the time of the massacre, the author of the Bessarabia provincial guidebook was Pavel Krushevan — “one of the vilest fabulists of modern times,” said Zipperstein.

He was also the reputed editor of “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion,” a long-lived anti-Semitic slanderous concoction that outlines a plan for world Jewish domination. It appeared in its first sustained form just months after the Kishinev massacre.

Krushevan’s newspaper accounts also fanned rumors about the city’s Jews, including that a small-time doctor there was a “fearful cog in the Zionist juggernaut,” said Zipperstein.

Some of the narrators who gave Kishinev its mythical power in the Jewish world were, or should have been, sympathetic. One was Hayyim Nahman Bialik, the man who one day would be known as the national poet of the Jewish people.

In 1903, he was dispatched to interview survivors of the Kishinev pogrom by the Jewish Historical Commission in Odessa. Going house to house, he filled five notebooks with fresh testimonies of violence.

Then Bialik set the notebooks aside, said Zipperstein, and wrote in Hebrew an epic poem of the incident that was inspired more by the Old Testament than the facts at hand.

“In the City of Slaughter” became “the most powerfully enduring of all influences” on the mythical centrality of Kishinev among Jews, Zipperstein said.

But the poem turned its literary back on “the concrete reality” of two violent days, said Zipperstein. In it, for one, was an image of “crouched husbands, bridegrooms, brothers, peering from the cracks.” (Trial transcripts and press accounts report Jewish resistance.)

Maybe that’s a lesson for those writing cultural history, Zipperstein concluded: “Calm the voice of the poet, rouse that of the chronicler.”

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5 April 1828 Birth of Rev L. Rosenberg, British Jews’ Society representative for 40 years in Adrianople [Edirne], Turkey

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Rosenberg, Rev. L., wrote the following brief sketch of himself shortly before he died:—”My parents were by birth Austrian Jews. By occupation my father was a landed proprietor and my mother carried on a drapery business. There were four children of the marriage, three boys and one girl. I was born on April 5th, 1828. My mother and three children died at a time when I was too young to remember them. My father was baptized into the Christian Church. I received a good [430] secular and religious education, enough to lead me to avoid bad company; not so much to honour God as to honour myself in order to be respected and esteemed so as to mix with the best society. [Bernstein reports, without telling us what the “L.” stands for!]

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“Ignorant of and prejudiced against Christianity, how wonderful were the dealings of the Lord with me will be seen from the following record:—About 1841 I visited Constantinople. Here a young Jewish friend persuaded me, after much effort, to go with him to a Mission House, where we heard a godly sermon preached before a gathering of young Israelites, by the Rev. Dr. Schwartz, who, later on, was Pastor of Trinity Chapel, Edgware Road, West London, and also a member of the Committee of the British Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Jews. His Scriptural discourse awakened in me a desire to know more about Christianity, and I often went to hear him preach at the Chapel of the Prussian Embassy on the fore-noons [the early part of the day ending with noon] of the Lord’s Day.

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“Having for a few years been convinced of the truth of Christianity, I studied the Old and New Testament together, praying morning and evening for light.

Adrianople

“About 1844 I again visited Constantinople on my way to Asia Minor for hunting, with a view to becoming a naturalist by profession, collecting wild animals, birds, and insects of all sorts for the museum. It was whilst hunting on the top of Mount Olympus that the glorious scenery and the power of God’s Word, created as it were, a voice within me, ordering me to leave all things, and I returned to Constantinople, and was [431] baptized by Mr. Allen, son-in-law of Dr. Duncan, the well-known ‘rabbi Duncan’ of Edinburgh.

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“Again I returned to Broussa, and on my own account I preached the Gospel for a whole year to Jews, Armenians, and Greeks, from among whom many, through Divine grace, were converted.

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“Thus encouraged I went to Malta, where for about six years I studied literature and theology in the Protestant College there, and in return I gave lessons to boys in different classes, four hours a day. To complete my preparations for the ministry of the Church I studied both in London and Edinburgh.

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“The Jewish Committee of the Established Church of Scotland engaged me for about seven years, during which time I laboured as one of their missionaries at the stations of Salonica and Smyrna, with encouraging results, through the Divine blessing resting upon the Jews, Armenians and Greeks. After this, on my resignation, I returned to Edinburgh and London.

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“Whilst in London the Committee of the Malta Protestant College, to whom I was well known, and amongst whom were the late Lords Shaftesbury, Calthorpe and Kinnaird, engaged me, and I went to the East to establish British Schools for boys in all the principal towns bordering on the Mediterranean and Black Seas. I established in Cairo a large boarding and day school, and for over two years I worked on until my health completely broke down, and, acting upon medical advice, I resigned and came to London.

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“On August 21st, 1865, I was engaged by the Committee of the British Society, and ever since then I [432] have been labouring, in Adrianople, chiefly among the Jews, but also among the Armenians and the Greeks. During the first ten years I baptized forty Jews, whilst other enquirers of mine have been baptized in Constantinople, Smyrna, Jerusalem and London. Many unbaptized Jews, Armenians and Greeks, have also been led to believe in Jesus as the Saviour of their souls.” He died in 1905 after more than forty years missionary work in Adrianople [ Edirne, Turkey]

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Adrianople, Turkey

Prayer: Thank you Lord for faith and 40 years of service of Rev. L. Rosenberg. May we too have diligence and faithfulness in your service. In Yeshua’s name, Amen.

http://www.forgottenbooks.com/readbook_text/Autobiography_of_William_G_Of_for_Forty-Nine_Years_a_Missionary_in_1000039714/241

Then the two mission families went to Smyrna, which, at that time, was an unoccupied station. Mr. Rosenberg was taken into the service of the Board, and a school was opened.

Mr. Morgan subsequently returned to Salonica, and took Rosenberg with him, though Mr. Parsons would gladly have kept him for his school for Jewish boys. This was in 1854, if I remember right, early in the year. At both of these stations things seemed to grow bright-

The only city in Turkey proper in which the British Society has been permanently represented is ADRIANOPLE. Here Rev. L. Rosenberg began his labors in 1865, and still continues to hold forth the Word of Life. Dr. Zuckerkandhl, of the Free Church of Scotland, a convert of the Budapest Mission, spent some years in association with Rosenberg in the early days in Adrianople. About the same time G. Neuman conducted a school in PHILIPPOPOLIS.

MISSIONS IN MOHAMMEDAN EUROPE.

Thompson, A. E.; Blackstone, W. E. A Century of Jewish Missons [sic—Missions]. Chicago, etc. Fleming H. Revell Company, 1902.

P170

https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=KUEEAAAAQAAJ&printsec=frontcover&output=reader&hl=en_GB&pg=GBS.RA1-PA41

The Scattered Nation, Volumes 3-4

https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=tCoWAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA240&dq=adrianople+rosenberg+mission+school&hl=en&sa=X&ei=aF0gVdLxJo7fas3GgrgF&ved=0CCEQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=rosenberg&f=false

https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=5BYFAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA145&dq=adrianople+rosenberg+mission+school&hl=en&sa=X&ei=aF0gVdLxJo7fas3GgrgF&ved=0CCYQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=adrianople%20rosenberg%20mission%20school&f=false

Edirne (Turkish pronunciation: [eˈdiɾne], Bulgarian: Одрин), is a city in the Turkish region of East Thrace, close to its borders with Greece and Bulgaria. Edirne served as the third capital city of the Ottoman Empire from 1363 to 1453,[3] before Constantinople (present-day Istanbul) became the empire’s fourth and final capital. At present, Edirne is the capital of Edirne Province in Turkish Thrace. The city’s estimated population in 2010 was 138,793, up from 119,298 in 2000.

https://senmcglinn.wordpress.com/2008/12/25/750-muskets/

As I’ve noted, Kazem Beg reported in 1865 that a platoon from the regiment was the firing squad for the first attempt to execute the Bab. Where was it first reported that it was the entire regiment, of 750 men? In The Babi and Baha’i Religions, Moojan Momen records a letter from Reverend L. Rosenberg, a British Missionary in Adrianople, to the Evanglical Alliance in London, bringing the persecution of Baha’u’llah and the Bahais to their attention. No date is given for the letter itself: Momen quotes a copy of the letter that Rosenberg sent to the British Consul in Adrianople, John Blunt, on August 13, 1868. The letter begins with an account of Rosenberg’s meeting with Baha’u’llah, and a confused account of the origins of the new religion. In the course of this he says,

Having received the word of God [i.e., the Bible] as the rule of faith and practice, and as test of all other religious books and religions as far back as 25 years, Mirza Hussein Ali Ishan [Baha’u’llah] and Mohammed Ali [Ali Muhammad, the Baba] began to preach in Iran before the Shah of Persia to all the moslems, and during seven years they bore the ‘cross of the gospel’ under heavy persecutions till at last Mohammed Ali was apprehended, tied to a tree and 750 soldiers discharged their guns at him; thus he fell a martyr to the truth by the order of the Persian Government.

This must reflect what Rosenberg was being told by Bahais in Edirne (Adrianople), in 1868: he does not indicate having any other source, and the oddities in his account (Baha’u’llah and the Bab preaching together, Baha’u’llah called Ishan) do not match any written source I know of.

The evidence suggests, so far, that this detail in the story originated not in Tabriz, or Iran, but in Edirne, in 1868 or earlier. Please feel free to use the comments section to add any earlier sources, or credible sources from Tabriz, that I have missed.

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